Tom Watson writes:
In April, when the European court said Britain's data
retention laws breached two of our fundamental rights – the right to privacy and the right to protection of
personal data – I started to lobby Labour's shadow home secretary, Yvette Cooper,
as to what a possible reform might look like.
With surveillance on the agenda
like never before following the Guardian's publication of the Edward Snowden
revelations, I thought we should draw a line in the sand.
I got no response, so I wrote again in June, this time
because security and terrorism chief Charles Farr had for the first time confirmed that
GCHQ was conducting the mass surveillance of every British citizen using
Google, Facebook and YouTube channels.
In June the Home Office told me that it had no plans to
update our data retention regulations in light of the European judgment.
Either
the Home Office has terrible legal advice, or they were cooking something up
behind closed doors.
Both should worry us.
Perhaps that is why Cooper didn't respond to my letters.
But her team has clearly been busy because we now know that the three main
party leaders have been engaged in secret talks to respond to the European
court.
Nick Clegg, Ed Miliband and David
Cameron are going to railroad surveillance laws through
parliament in just three days. Apparently it doesn't have time to
discuss this properly.
Yet parliament went into recess a week early in May
because we were told there was no need to debate further legislation.
Something
isn't right about representatives of the people being told by their party
leaders to pass laws that they've barely read, let alone properly considered.
The bill was published in draft form a few hours ago.
It's pointless attempting to scrutinise it because, thanks to the secret deal,
we know it will be law by the end of next week. Yet on first look the bill only
pays lip service to the European court.
The judgment said the previous
legislation was not "necessary and proportionate". The draft bill
does use these words, but it's barely a nod to the court's requirements.
The
judgment said clearly that the mass retention of the data of every citizen was
not proportionate. This legislation ignores this, allowing its retention for 12
months.
The bill says that new regulations may be passed to
restrict the use of retention notices, but these are not set out.
And these new
restrictions won't be passed by all parliamentarians but as statutory
instruments through small committees of a select few MPs.
There is a tiny amendment to section 5 of the Regulation
of Investigatory Powers Act, presumably inserted to save the blushes of those
Liberal Democrat MPs who stood on a manifesto to reduce state surveillance.
Never mind the coalition agreement committed to reducing the unnecessary
storage of our emails and internet records, this will do little to alter the
balance – and in fact the law's scope will be enhanced by new provisions for
warrants on people outside the UK.
While the Lib Dems can spin as
much as they like that this isn't the draft communications data bill, this is
clearly a light version of it which ignores the ruling of a court on
fundamental rights and extends surveillance powers overseas.
The party spent
the day crowing about the concessions granted to
civil liberties groups such as Don't Spy on Us, but the concessions
aren't even in the bill.
We have to trust this government to deliver these
concessions. Is this a game we should be willing to play?
Yet the details are irrelevant.
A secret deal between
elites has removed the possibility of parliamentary scrutiny and engagement
with civic society. The bill, warts and all, will be law next week.
Theresa May
has in the past stood strongly for the idea of policing by consent. What a
shame she doesn't think the same principles apply to our security services.
The party leaders will get their way next week, but the
price will be further erosion of the authority of our political institutions.
Today parliament feels a little further away from our citizens.
Once again, it's the three-party stich-up.
ReplyDeletePeter Hitchens is right about the Parliamentary parties.. Not for the first time.