Tara McCormack writes:
Earlier this month, James Clapper, US national intelligence
chief, announced that US intelligence agencies would be conducting a major review
of alleged Russian funding of opposition parties in Europe.
Russia, a senior
unnamed British government official claims, is trying to
destroy European unity on several political, social and military matters.
Now, it may well be the case that
Russia has given money to Front
National or Golden Dawn or
UKIP or Jeremy Corbyn for all we know.
After all, funding other nations’
opposition parties has always been bread-and-butter work for foreign powers,
including the US secret service – it funnelled money into the so-called Colour
Revolutions and armed groups in Ukraine and the Middle East. I’ve no doubt
Russia does it, too.
However, the idea that Putin is
behind the current refugee crisis and the longer-term political problems in the
Eurozone is simply ludicrous.
Not even the flimsiest understanding of the
history of the past decade could support such a proposition.
From the financial
crisis to the crushing of the Greek economy to Angela Merkel’s unilateral
decision to allow a million refugees into Germany, these developments can’t be
put down to the actions of Russia.
Perhaps Russia is also behind the
EU’s current headache, Poland’s governing Law and Justice Party, which is
currently subject to an unprecedented inquiry into whether new Polish laws
break EU law.
The only problem is the Law and
Justice Party is one of the most rabidly anti-Moscow parties out there.
Perhaps
Cameron has also been receiving Moscow gold in exchange for pushing the UK
towards a Brexit? I doubt it.
It’s a fantasy that we are in some kind of Cold
War situation, with Moscow funnelling gold into various groups with the aim of
toppling the EU and creating discord.
If only it were that simple.
Thanks,
Putin, but save your money for the crashing Russian economy. The EU is managing
to disintegrate entirely on its own.
These overblown claims are part of a trend. It has become
common for politicians and the media to discredit Putin with tales of
corruption and murder.
The Litvinenko farce and Clapper’s comments show that the
Western propaganda mill is once again cranking into action.
Why is this
happening?
For several years now, military and
political tensions between Russia and the West have been growing.
The Ukraine
crisis, rather than being the cause of worsening tensions, actually represents
the emergence of these tensions.
But these tensions are not the result of
Russian revanchism or aggression. Much of the blame lies with Western foreign
policy.
Over the past 20 years, several
developments have worried Moscow – particularly the rise of Western military
intervention.
The intervention in Kosovo in 1999 was a decisive moment: NATO
acted outside of its mandate, becoming a kind of free-floating Western military
force.
The invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan were also catastrophic: the US, UK
and other allies destroyed two countries without fully understanding what they
were doing.
The intervention in Libya, although originally supported by Russia,
soon tipped over into incoherent regime change, the consequences of which are
still unfolding.
If anyone is to blame for overturning the postwar
international order, it is the West.
NATO has expanded relentlessly,
first taking in the Baltic republics, then Albania and Croatia in 2009. Bosnia,
Macedonia, Montenegro and Georgia are now in the waiting room.
A strategic
alliance should be just that: strategic. Would the West seriously want to go to
war over any of these states?
Within Montenegro itself there have been serious
protests against joining NATO. Of course, for the likes of the BBC, this fact
is presented as yet more evidence of Russian subversion.
The fact that, in
1999, Montenegro, then part of former Yugoslavia, was bombed by NATO can’t
possibly be of any relevance.
In Ukraine, the EU more or less
staged a coup by going to Kiev and ordering the elected Ukrainian government to
go.
This precipitated the most dangerous crisis in Europe since the Cold War.
This was not a deliberate attempt to stoke war, but a kind of accidental
foreign policy in which the complex and genuine political and social
disagreements within Ukraine itself were ignored (despite decades of excellent
British and European scholarship on post-Communist Ukraine).
The EU’s moral
grandstanding over Ukraine was a catastrophic mistake.
There has been a relentless rise in
NATO and Russian military exercises, and a frightening increase in the number of
near-misses.
The European security order (to the extent that it
exists) is currently under threat from US plans to return troops to a number of
former Warsaw Pact states.
President Obama has just announced that his new
budget will include a request to quadruple US military spending in Europe, with
plans for heavy weapons and troops to be stationed along Russia’s borders.
Turkey’s frankly deranged decision to shoot down a Russian jet in December, in
the hope of sabotaging US and Russian talks over Syria, shows us just how
unstable things are at the moment.
Turkey is, of course, a member of NATO and
therefore governed by Article 5, the principle of collective defence.
So is this a new Cold War? Not
quite.
While there are rising military tensions, there are many factors at play
that were not present in the Cold War.
For example, there is disagreement
within the EU about Russian sanctions and the increase in the US military presence
in Europe.
This isn’t anything to do with Russian plotting – these are genuine
political disagreements.
Unless, of course, one happens to think that
politicians such as Bavarian premier Horst Seehofer, long-term opponent of
Russian sanctions, is in the Kremlin’s pay.
A very important difference today
is the lack of public discussion about the rise in military tensions, and the
potential for the crisis to escalate.
Would anyone in the UK seriously want to
go to war with Russia because Turkey chooses to take potshots at Russian
planes?
Would anyone in the UK want to go to war with Russia over Ukraine? It’s
time for an open discussion about foreign policy.
Do we want a new Cold War,
with all the misery, expenditure and ever-present threat of a nuclear holocaust?
The idea that we have divergent
interests from Russia simply cannot be sustained.
At least in principle there
were different ways of organising society at stake during the Cold War. This is
not the case today.
We have no divergence in interests with Russia; in fact, we
have common interests – tackling ISIS, ensuring European security, maintaining
oil prices, and so on.
Russia doesn’t want to invade Lithuania or Poland or
Latvia. Russia does not want to invade Ukraine. Russia does, however, have legitimate
interests, and we need to take these seriously.
We need to accept that Russia
is a real country with real interests, just like our own, and not the pantomime
villain the media are presenting it as at the moment.
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