Thursday, 23 July 2026

Start By Challenging


Some things never change. Fifty years ago, Britain was sweltering in the long hot summer of 1976. The Labour government was acutely aware that the financial markets were scrutinising its every move. And a man called Healey was running the Treasury.

On the surface, the challenges facing John Healey are less severe than those Denis Healey had to grapple with half a century ago. Inflation is a lot lower and the City has reacted calmly to Andy Burnham as prime minister. And, while things could turn nasty pretty quickly, they would have to get a lot worse before Healey Mk II felt the need to ask the International Monetary Fund for an emergency loan.

That’s the good news. The bad news is that today’s Healey has big problems of his own to solve, not least how to reconcile his pledge to run a tight ship with the new administration’s aims of rolling back more than 40 years of Thatcherism and reindustrialising Britain. Fine aspirations will eventually run into the quicksands of fiscal orthodoxy.

But so far things have gone as well as Burnham and Healey could have hoped. The message of optimism – a deliberate contrast with the doom and gloom when Keir Starmer arrived in Downing Street – was the right one. The cut in VAT on electricity bills and the cap on bus fares were largely symbolic but symbols matter. Burnham was keen to avoid a repetition of Starmer’s first big economic policy announcement: the means testing of the winter fuel payment for pensioners. That and the purging of the Starmerites from the cabinet are intended to give the impression that the real Labour government starts here.

Other conclusions can be drawn. Burnham clearly sees Reform UK as his biggest threat. That’s evident not just in the makeup of the cabinet – which has a stronger north of England flavour to it – but in the emphasis on the cost of living and rebuilding Britain’s manufacturing base. There is an attempt to reconnect the party with its working-class roots.

Keeping Shabana Mahmood as the home secretary was also significant because it shows that Burnham intends to maintain a tough stance on migration. That has economic consequences since it will force businesses faced with staff shortages to hire and train UK-born employees rather than bring them in from overseas. The days of unlimited cheap labour are over. Burnham’s desire to try a different economic model seems genuine, as does his intention to be heavily involved in the big economic decisions.

Prime ministers come in three types. There are those who enjoy focusing on domestic issues, there are those who get a buzz from foreign policy and there are those who want to do everything. It is not rare for a prime minister to start a term of office with a burning passion to sort out the economy only to find after a while that glad-handing on the global stage is more fun. But, for the moment, Burnham falls squarely into category one, and has plans to create an economic power base for himself at No 10 to act as a counterweight to the Treasury.

That, at least, is the theory. In reality, Burnham’s first 24 hours in office showed just how much power and influence the Treasury holds. Healey said meeting the existing fiscal rules was his top priority, and he now has to find the money for a fully funded defence investment plan that the Treasury denied him when he was defence secretary, precipitating his resignation.

The chancellor may get lucky and be able to pay for higher spending through stronger growth, but with the strait of Hormuz still closed and oil prices creeping up again it would be inadvisable to bank on it. That leaves borrowing more or higher taxes. A bit of extra borrowing may be available while sticking to the fiscal rules, but Burnham and Healey have big ambitions and are wary of upsetting the bond markets, which are already charging the government interest rates of 5% to service its debts. Something has to give.

Healey has floated the idea of war bonds to pay for higher defence spending, but that would be borrowing by a different name. Inevitably, therefore, taxes are going to rise in the autumn budget and the only real questions are: by how much, who pays them and what damage they will cause.

Faced with the prospect of a sluggish economy and tax rises to come, it is a tad hubristic for the seventh occupant of Downing Street in a decade to be serving notice that he will shortly be announcing a 10-year plan for change. Burnham doesn’t have the luxury of 10 years to deliver results. A general election is due within the next three years, leaving little wiggle room if things go seriously wrong – as they did for Denis Healey.

Some things have changed since the long hot summer of 1976. One of the abiding legacies of Britain’s shift to the right in the 1970s was the idea that there was no difference between the government and a household when it comes to spending, with the implication that either can go bust if it lives beyond its means. That notion lives on today, with even the most modest of ministerial spending pledges met with the challenge: how are you going to pay for it? If Burnham is serious about rolling back neoliberalism, he needs to start by challenging this entirely wrong-headed idea.

What Ukraine Doesn’t Want You To Know

Even in The Spectator of Michael Gove, Peter Hitchens can now write:

If you want to start a myth, make it a good one. Look at Odysseus. Imagine if the old liar had come home stony broke, a decade late, and told his wife: ‘Sorry, Penny, I got drunk, the ship was repossessed and the crew deserted, I gambled away all my money and I’ve spent the last ten years working in bars to pay my passage home.’ The tale would not have endured. Penelope would probably have kicked him out and married one of the suitors.

It’s more or less the same with the unmysterious sabotage of Russia’s Nord Stream pipeline in September 2022. There’s a perfectly good, prosaic, obvious explanation. The giant undersea tube was able to supply cheap Russian gas to Germany, something the US government has disliked for decades. As long as it was there, Germany might get tired of the New Cold War and nurse its bruised economy instead. The US, using its superb, unique and expensive war technology, blew the pipeline up to prevent this.

Boringly, President Joe Biden specifically promised to do this, in February 2022. He proclaimed, at a White House press conference: ‘If Russia invades – that means tanks or troops crossing the border of Ukraine again – then there will be no longer a Nord Stream 2. We will bring an end to it.’ One amazed reporter asked how President Biden would do this. With a tiny glint in his eye, Sleepy Joe replied: ‘I promise you, we will be able to do it.’ Duller still, the era’s greatest reporter of US government secrets, from the My Lai massacre to the Abu Ghraib prison disgrace, Seymour Hersh, has lengthily and credibly explained how the US did indeed plant and detonate the enormous bombs needed. But it’s no use. It’s too tedious and ordinary.

A world hungry for adventure wants to believe that the job was done by a sexy young woman sharing a cramped yacht with a bunch of ultra-masculine romantic Ukrainian boozers, in the middle of a storm. This woman ‘looks like a model’, is ‘young, strikingly beautiful and sometimes clad in glittering dresses’, except when she is clad in nothing at all and posing alluringly on the cover of what is politely described as an ‘erotic magazine’.

This version of the Nord Stream saga has so far been enthusiastically accepted by the estimable Owen Matthews, writing in these pages, by the distinguished historian Michael Burleigh, writing in the Literary Review, by the New York Times, the Financial Times, the Sunday Times and the Wall Street Journal (WSJ). That is a pretty sparkling hardcover debut for its author, the North Macedonian WSJ journalist Bojan Pancevski. Mr Pancevski is himself gorgeously mysterious, and has an amazing journalistic pedigree. His career took off when he reported the case of the Austrian monster Josef Fritzl, who imprisoned and obscenely abused his daughter. Mr Pancevski later moved on, via the Fifa scandal, to more political stuff. He plainly has excellent sources in Ukraine (the book is surprisingly acerbic about President Volodymyr Zelensky).

I love the fact that German Wikipedia isn’t even sure whether Mr Pancevski was born in 1977 or 1978. What fun to have your date of birth lost in the mists of time before you are 50. When I laughed at his Nord Stream theory on X, he popped up there cheerfully to urge me to read his book The Nord Stream Conspiracy. This is (allegedly) ‘The Inside Story of the Explosions That Shook the World’. So I did read it. Gosh. My copy is scrawled with exclamation marks. Much of it reminded me of the adventures of Tintin, the Boy Reporter. I kept wishing that Captain Haddock would turn up, perhaps fresh from a meeting of the Society of Sober Sailors. I could scarcely refrain from crying out ‘billions of blue blistering barnacles!’ as I turned the pages.

It would make a great comic strip, with its rock-fisted, brave, terse, incorruptible, principled characters – except that none of these people appears under his or her real name. Nor does the erotic magazine in which the nude model, whose alias is ‘Freya’, had once featured. Nor does the mysterious institute which employs the ancient expert (Professor Calculus, perhaps?) who explained to our heroes how to blow up a pipeline built of steel more than an inch thick, jacketed in more than four inches of concrete, lying 260 feet below the surface of the chilly, murky and current-infested Baltic. This, by the way, is roughly twice as deep as the supermen of Britain’s SBS and the US Navy Seals are normally prepared to dive. As Michael Burleigh says of the pseudonymous diving team, they were ‘incredibly brave’, which is perhaps true in more ways than one. Mr Pancevski himself notes that when a German flotilla sent submarine drones to the aftermath of the explosion, ‘the currents were so strong that the drone operators struggled to reach the seabed around the blast sites’.

The top secret taskforce made many basic blunders – pointlessly caught on a speed camera, using insecure phones and emails, drawing attention to themselves in harbour through slobbish behaviour, using crude fake identities and above all leaving their boat so full of clues (a strand of Freya’s hair, some fingerprints, DNA by the ton, even a bloodstain, and some explosive traces). You might almost think they were trying to establish an alibi. But for whom?

Well, it is not for me to say. All my diving has been done in swimming pools, and my experience of erotic models is slender. But I suspect that the Berlin and Washington governments are increasingly worried about German voters, disenchanted with the Ukraine crisis, with their country’s growing decrepitude and with the high price of energy. If Nord Stream was blown up by sexy, sassy Freya, rather than by dreary old Uncle Sam, then good relations may last a little longer. Believe what you like. So will I.

Serfing USA

Michael Lind writes:

If today’s name ends in a “y,” then you can be sure that some business lobbyists in Washington are pressuring Congress to expand the role of cheap foreign labor in the US economy, at the expense of American workers and wages. The latest example is a bill with bipartisan support, the Securing Agriculture’s Workforce Act of 2026, introduced by Rep. Glenn “GT” Thompson, Republican of Pennsylvania.

Yes, that would be the same Republican Party founded by Abraham Lincoln on the slogan of “Free Labor.”

The problem the bill addresses is real. Team Trump’s crackdown against illegal immigration has deprived farmers and ranchers of the low-wage foreign workforce upon which they once relied, in defiance of US employment and immigration laws. To address the genuine short-term labor shortages, the bill proposes to raise wages in American agriculture to lure US citizens, while providing federal subsidies to farms in labor-intensive sectors to allow them to purchase labor-saving agricultural technology.

Just kidding! Thompson’s bipartisan bill neither raises wages nor subsidizes labor-saving tech. Instead, it makes raising wages and investing in tech less necessary, by increasing the number of foreign indentured servants bound for fixed terms to American agribusiness and by granting amnesty to many illegal migrants already laboring in agriculture. According to the news release announcing it, Thompson’s bill widens the availability of temporary foreign labor “for year-round operations, controls costs to restore certainty to balance sheets, and streamlines the interactions of the government agencies administering the program.”

The proposed legislation has outraged some Right-wing populists. But unsurprisingly, it is “supported by the American Farm Bureau Federation, the Western Growers Association, the National Milk Producers Federation, and more than 400 other agricultural groups across the entire industry,” according to the Thompson news release.

Today, nearly 1 in 5 workers in the United States is a foreign national. These foreign workers fall into two categories: permanent immigrant workers (aka “green-card holders”) and temporary non-immigrant workers. Green-card holders are considered permanent immigrants because it is expected that in time they will apply for naturalization as US citizens, although not all of them do. Apart from the right to vote, green-card holders have most of the rights of US citizen-workers, including the right to quit their jobs without their boss’s permission.

So-called non-immigrant workers, in contrast, form an underclass of workers on US soil with fewer rights than either US citizen-workers or green-card holders. Technically, they are “temporary,” although their fixed terms of work in the United States can be extended indefinitely. They aren’t considered immigrants, because if their fixed terms of work aren’t renewed, they are expected to return to their home countries.

Another word for “non-immigrant worker” is indentured servant. An indentured servant is a worker who isn’t allowed by legally enforceable contract to quit his job without his employer’s permission, for a fixed period. Indentured servitude, however well paid, is temporary slavery.

The H-2A visa in agriculture that Rep. Thompson and the agribusiness lobby are trying to expand is only one of many non-immigrant visas for foreign indentured servants laboring in the United States. Other indentured-servant visas include the H-1B visa, used by firms in Silicon Valley, Wall Street, and even universities and government agencies to replace American workers and green-card holders with unfree foreign professional workers; the H-2B, supplying the construction, landscaping, meatpacking, and other non-farm industries with unfree foreign labor; H-3 visas for employers to bring in labor in the guise of trainees; and an alphabet soup of other contract-labor visas. What they all share in common is the denial of the most fundamental rights of a free worker: the right to quit your job without your employer’s permission and without having to leave the country immediately.

Supporters of these varieties of indentured servitude tend to be found among business-class conservatives and libertarians who like to quote Adam Smith. But the 18th-century Scottish political economist would have recognized today’s American indentured-servant programs for what they are: versions of unfree labor, albeit versions less harsh than chattel slavery.

Speaking of 18th-century Scottish coal workers and mine workers who were bound to their employers, Smith wrote: “They can be sold, it is true, but then it is only in a certain manner. When the work is sold all the colliers or salters which belong to it are sold allong with it…” He contrasted this kind of indentured servitude, along with highly restrictive apprenticeship programs in guilds, with “perfect liberty,” defined as “the right of a worker to change his trade as often as he pleases.”

Convinced that unfree labor of all kinds is less efficient than the labor of free workers paid adequate wages, Smith argued that the reason for the near-universality of unfree labor in various forms was the psychology of slaveowners and business owners, who were willing to sacrifice efficiency and economic growth to the pleasure of lording it over their underlings. In The Wealth of Nations, Smith wrote: “The pride of man makes him love to domineer, and nothing mortifies him so much as to be obliged to condescend to persuade his inferiors. Wherever the law allows it, and the nature of the work can afford it, therefore, he will generally prefer the service of slaves to that of freemen.”

Indeed, all of the arguments made by the indentured-servant lobby for more foreign contract labor could also be made to justify legalizing slavery again in America. Take consumer prices. In the US workforce as a whole, illegal immigrants make up around 5%, with the number rising to as much as a fifth in construction, crop production, and food processing.

According to Goldman Sachs, in a tight labor market with lower immigration, consumer prices for some goods might go up. Why? Because employers would have to pay higher wages and pass along the costs of decent wages to consumers. Oh, the horror! But this argument applies to slavery as well. If only employers were allowed to use slave labor in the fields once again, then consumer prices might go down.

The Republican Party was founded in the 1850s to oppose the expansion of slavery. During the Civil War in 1862, the GOP-dominated Congress enacted and President Lincoln signed into law a bill that sought to prevent Southern slaveowners from importing “coolies” or indentured servants from China and India. Today, however, reflecting the capture of the party of Lincoln by former reactionary Southern and Western Democrats, many Republican members of Congress and every Republican president in the past generation, including Donald Trump, have consistently favored expanding access to unfree foreign serfs by individual American corporations.

In explaining why ICE should not raid farms, for example, Trump has used a weird neo-Confederate argument. According to Trump, speaking in the summer of 2025, “we have a lot of cases where ICE would go into a farm and these are guys that have been there 10 or 15 years, and the farmers know them — it’s called farmer responsibility. Or owner responsibility. But they’re going to be largely responsible for these people. And they know these people. They’ve worked at the farms for 15 years.”

Of course “these people” have sometimes worked for the same farmers “for 15 years.” Many of “these people” are rented to a single farm owner or corporation for repeated, fixed terms by a single labor contractor acting as a labor broker. If the stability of the workforce is a goal, then old-fashioned lifelong chattel slavery is even better than fixed-term indentured servitude. In the Old South, slaveowners often referred to their enslaved workers as “family” and boasted that they were more responsible for their welfare than cruel Northern capitalists who had to lure free labor by paying wages.

Which brings us to Irony No. 2. The dominant economic philosophy of the GOP until recently has been libertarianism. Libertarians claim to favor radical individual freedom — except for the freedom of certain categories of legal foreign workers on US soil to quit their jobs and seek others without the permission of their employers.

The libertarian philosopher Murray Rothbard, one of the founders of the Cato Institute, argued that “voluntary” slave contracts should be legal. The celebrated libertarian theorist Robert Nozick, in Anarchy, State, and Utopia, published in 1974, agreed with Rothbard that individuals should have the right to sell themselves into slavery, answering, “I believe that it would” to the question of whether “a free system will allow [an individual] to sell himself into slavery.”

So maybe the libertarian supporters of unfree indentured servitude on American soil are consistent after all. Unlike Rothbard, Nozick did not argue that the law should allow parents to sell their unwanted children or allow them to starve to death. Rothbard: “The law, therefore, may not properly compel the parent to feed a child or to keep it alive…”

These two groups — pro-servitude Republicans and libertarian ideologues — are joined by conservatives who are confused about economics in a technological society, treating America as if it were a plantation economy like that of the Old South or the slave societies of Cuba and Brazil. Today’s Republican conservatives claim to favor economic growth, industrial development, and technological progress. But importing foreign serfs retards all three. While unfree labor in various forms may increase overall output in tobacco, cotton, or avocados, large numbers of low-wage workers undermine the formation of a national home market of prosperous worker-consumers to support advanced manufacturing industries. And cheap labor undermines technological progress, because it reduces the incentive of employers to limit labor costs by either replacing workers with machines or by investing in machines to make individual workers more productive.

Then there is the pseudo-nationalist argument for importing unfree foreign serfs to labor on American farms. If American farmers can’t import unfree, low-wage workers from Mexico to pick avocados, then the American avocado industry might lose market share in the United States to Mexican imports. Beware the avocado gap!

This argument persuades neither libertarians nor America First populists. Libertarians have no objection to cheap imports from foreign countries, including imports that are cheap because foreign wages are lower. And protectionists would answer that if there is a vital national interest in protecting the American avocado industry, then let it be protected by tariffs. The Trump administration sided with the libertarians in this case, by exempting Mexican avocados from tariffs.

When all other arguments are exhausted, one plaintive cry is heard: Will nobody think of the small farmers? Indeed, what about small farmers and other small employers addicted to imported, unfree labor? Won’t they suffer, if they have to pay free workers higher wages and can’t afford to invest in labor-saving technology in compensation?

They may well suffer — the way that Southern planters suffered when they were forced to pay their workers instead of owning them, and the way that other employers suffered later when child labor was outlawed. Good riddance to small capitalists who are so incompetent at business that they can’t make enough profits to pay their workers a living wage, after paying their other expenses, and demand that the government supply them with a never-ending stream of foreign serfs.

Here is a very simple test that can distinguish genuine pro-worker Republicans and Democrats from pseudo-populist mouthpieces of employer interests: support the abolition of all non-immigrant worker visas. There should be only two categories of workers employed in the United States: citizen-workers and legal permanent resident green-card holders with the right to apply for citizenship. All workers on American soil, whether citizens or green-card holders eligible for citizenship, would have the right to quit their jobs at will and seek other jobs in the United States.

In the 2020s and ’30s, we must adopt a gender-neutral version of the slogan of the antislavery Free Soil Party of the 1840s and ’50s: “Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men.”

That Vigilance Should Start Here


The prosecution of a leading human rights barrister for contempt of court over his closing speech during a trial of Palestine Action activists has left lawyers fearful of doing their job, the chair of the Criminal Bar Association (CBA) has said.

Rajiv Menon KC, who was acting for the defence, is due to stand trial next week, accused of breaching the judge’s directions in the trial of six people for a direct action protest at an arms factory of the Israeli subsidiary Elbit Systems UK in Filton, near Bristol, in 2024.

On Wednesday, senior legal figures criticised the prosecution of Menon, believed to be the first barrister to be prosecuted over remarks made during a closing speech.

Riel Karmy-Jones KC, the chair of the CBA, told the online meeting: “We have heard of barristers changing their speeches or being told to change them – including in cases where no direction has been given by a judge. And that really can’t be ignored, because people at the criminal bar have become uncertain and scared of what they can and can’t say; scared that somehow they might be – at the end of a trial where they have faithfully represented their client themselves – facing a charge of criminal contempt.

“It is starting to feel like it’s about the politics of the subject matter of the trial, rather than the core principles of how a barrister represents his client.”

Last month, the trial judge in the Palestine Action case, Mr Justice Johnson, referred the question of whether Menon should face contempt of court proceedings to another judge, Mr Justice Nicklin, who subsequently ruled that he should. It came after a previous attempt to refer Menon was overturned on appeal on procedural grounds.

The Labour peer and former Liberty director Shami Chakrabarti said criticising judges was a delicate and dangerous thing to do given the threats they could face but that in Menon’s case they had made “a terrible, capricious mistake” and acted in “a very chilling manner”.

In a written message, her fellow Labour peer Helena Kennedy KC, one of the UK’s most renowned criminal lawyers, described Menon’s prosecution as “another assault upon our justice system … [which] ought to be resisted”, while the leading human rights lawyer Gareth Pierce called the prosecution “terrifying”.

Support for Menon was also conveyed by families of victims of the Hillsborough disaster, whom he represented.

Nicklin’s court order initiating contempt proceedings said Menon was alleged to have deliberately breached Johnson’s rulings and directions “knowing that his conduct would create, or was capable of creating, a real risk of impeding the administration of justice.

“It is further alleged that, in the same speech to the jury, the respondent made statements which were capable of suggesting to the jury that the court was not impartial, in that he referred to the defendants being prevented from giving evidence about Elbit Systems, and later referred to Elbit Systems being ‘protected’ and ‘wined and dined in the corridors of power’.

“Those statements were capable of creating the impression that the defendants had been treated unfairly and that Elbit Systems had been improperly protected in the proceedings.”

And Imran Khan KC writes:

Within days of Mr Justice Johnson’s decision to seek contempt proceedings against Rajiv Menon KC because of that barrister’s closing speech to the jury in a Palestine Action criminal damage trial, I happened to be making a closing speech to a jury. Neither the case nor the personnel of my case are relevant to what happened next, but it is telling that counsel for the prosecution appeared to invoke Mr Justice Johnson’s imprimatur to rebuke me for stepping over the boundary as to what was acceptable to say to the jury.

Thankfully, nothing of substance came of that. Not so for Menon. On 22 June 2026, Mr Justice Johnson handed down his approved judgment in Menon’s case such that he now faces a possible two-year prison sentence for defending his client in what was, it seems to me, in accordance with his professional duties and obligations.

As a highly experienced and successful member of the English bar, Menon was giving his closing speech in a case that involved pro-Palestine activists who broke into an Elbit Systems UK arms factory. The trial judge alleged that Menon deliberately ignored directions and misled the jury by discussing jury equity and the war in Gaza.

The judgment is significant not only for those directly affected by practising in the criminal courts but society as a whole because it starkly demonstrates how words spoken by those defending their clients – the traditional fortress of forensic freedom – can attract the machinery of contempt. The seriousness of that needs to be understood. The prospect of contempt proceedings is in danger of imposing a chilling effect on the willingness of defence advocates to test, for example, institutional misconduct themes robustly before a jury.

As I experienced first-hand, the risk will discourage advocates from deploying precisely those tools that the adversarial system contemplates. Defence counsel in cases involving allegations of police misconduct, for example, must be able to put credibility challenges with vigour, to name dishonesty where the evidence supports it, and to invite jurors to engage empathetically with the defendant’s experience. If such language can attract a contempt referral, advocates will face an unwelcome calculation: whether to advance the strongest case open to them or to temper their rhetoric in order to insulate themselves from future jeopardy.

The right to a fair trial, protected by article 6 of the European convention on human rights and embedded in the common law long before that instrument was enacted, encompasses the right to effective legal representation. Effectiveness, in a jury trial, requires more than the formal presence of counsel; it demands that counsel be free to deploy every legitimate forensic tool available to challenge the prosecution case. Public confidence in the criminal justice system depends upon the perception – as much as the reality – that proceedings are conducted fairly and that no party enters the courtroom at a structural disadvantage.

A climate in which defence advocates self-censor out of fear of contempt undermines that perception. If it becomes publicly known that counsel in cases involving police misconduct temper their submissions to avoid personal exposure, reasonable observers will question whether the adversarial process retains its integrity. That erosion of confidence is corrosive: the legitimacy of jury verdicts – acquittal and conviction alike – rests in part upon the assurance that they were returned after the defence case was pressed as fully and fearlessly as the evidence permitted.

The quality of jury deliberation is also imperilled. Jurors are lay decision-makers. They depend upon counsel to distil complex factual and legal questions into accessible, persuasive narrative. A closing speech that is moderated by the advocate’s anxiety about personal sanction is likely to be less effective. The result is not necessarily that the jury reaches the wrong verdict, but that it does so with a thinner and less complete presentation of the defence case than the evidence would have supported.

The risk of wrongful conviction must be a key factor here. It is an uncomfortable but empirically grounded observation that a disproportionate number of wrongful convictions in England and Wales have involved some form of police misconduct, whether in the gathering of evidence, the presentation of testimony or the suppression of material. Cases of that kind depend heavily upon vigorous adversarial challenge in the closing speech. If that challenge is muted, the risk that a factually innocent defendant is convicted is materially increased. The chilling effect of Menon’s case thus carries a direct, if unquantifiable, contribution to the wrongful conviction risk that the system as a whole must bear.

As for barristers themselves, if senior advocates perceive that hard cases carry a personal professional hazard not faced in more conventional litigation, the rational response is to avoid that kind of work. Defendants in such cases will find themselves represented by advocates who are either less experienced or less willing to advance their case with full forensic force. What price, then, the quality of justice?

But what is most fundamentally at stake is the constitutional value of fearless advocacy itself. The principle that counsel must be free to advance a client’s case without fear of personal retribution is not a professional privilege; it is a constitutional safeguard. It reflects the understanding, embedded in centuries of common law, that the state – which commands the resources of the police, the Crown Prosecution Service and the wider apparatus of prosecution – should not also be able to deter challenges to its own witnesses through the threat of proceedings against the advocate raising them.

When the contempt is used or threatened in the context of advocacy, that constitutional equilibrium is disturbed.

Society has a collective interest in maintaining it – not for the benefit of the bar, but for the benefit of every person who may one day stand accused, and for the integrity of the process by which guilt or innocence is determined in their name. That vigilance should start here.

Tell The Truth Carefully


Sometimes you just have to write what you know and document what you’ve seen, heard, and metabolized to remind yourself that, no, you haven’t gone crazy.

Perhaps by spelling it all out and publishing it, the masses might begin to grasp the breadth and scope of a problem they’ve been led to believe is an overblown, remote issue. Tenacious journalist that I am, I’ll provide ample receipts proving that the exact opposite is true.

Allow me to show you what life in the trans trench has been like for the past decade, with a combination of personal story and indisputable, brute facts. This is the tip of the iceberg, a mere fraction of the filth.

Probably eight years ago, I remember seeing for the first time a series of images that are burned into my memory. They say a picture says a thousand words, but in the trans trench, they are the beginning of a kind of trauma — the jarring introduction to a bestial type of Hell you never knew existed. Writing in Corinth with a front-row seat to all kinds of debauchery, the Apostle Paul noted in Romans 1 how wicked people “invent new ways of doing evil” (Romans 1:30). The trans scourge is that. On steroids, literally.

The first image I saw was a blue-haired, bare-chested girl who looked like she might be all of 14 years old. Scars were where her breasts used to be. She had the most tormented, vacant eyes.

It took me aback, and I gasped repeatedly. I stood up from my desk and walked away, feeling as though I'd been violated at a deep level, like a sledgehammer to the gut. I told a friend that it felt like I had involuntarily looked at sexually violent fetish porn featuring a minor child. That friend replied, “Brandon, that is exactly what you saw.”

The second image I saw was when I heard from someone who'd undergone a radial forearm phalloplasty and regretted it. She sent me a picture of her gutted forearm, the harvested tissue from which was used to make a fake penis. Another gut-punch.

Some weeks later, I stumbled upon Miami-based Irish gender surgeon Dr. Sidhbh Gallagher’s Instagram account — some of us refer to her as the “butcher of Louth.” This surgeon was posing next to young people she'd operated on, including a girl who had previous self-harm scars. Around that same time, I remember seeing Canadian gender surgeon Giancarlo McEvenue posing with a Santa hat, holding up two medical waste buckets labeled “breast tissue.” I subsequently saw footage of him speaking at a Johnson & Johnson–sponsored discussion, boasting of his sordid profession. Calling this unmitigated depravity is the understatement of the century.

I also remember interviewing a regretful de-trans man who was castrated, and he told me how he ended up ejaculating blood. I was glad this interview was on the phone and not on a Zoom call because he would have seen me fall out of my chair.

Everyone has their own journey of falling down the gender rabbit hole, and when you find yourself in this particular trench, you soon start meeting all sorts of shocked and disoriented people, astonished that this is real life. It’s a freight train of unimaginable nightmares hurtling down the tracks at a high velocity, bulldozing people right and left.

Those of us who’ve been doing the hard work exposing the madness against an impenetrable mainstream media blockade can all tell you what it's like to learn about all the horrors, only to be gaslit with flat denials like “that’s not happening.” Then you show concrete proof, and it becomes “well, it’s only a few people,” and then maybe “why are you so obsessed with this small, strange issue?” The whole world is under a reality-denying spell, shrouded in pink and blue flags, and people are programmed with dismissive talking points if anyone suggests that something’s wrong.

We, the trans (and queer) trench dwellers, have seen pedophilic elements of this movement in silicone pediatric penis packers — vile products aimed at girls as young as 4 so that they can “pack” their underwear to give the appearance of a male bulge.

If that wasn’t ghastly enough, we found out how academics and others in internet chat forums were behind the strategic rebranding of “gender identity disorder” to “gender dysphoria” at meetings of the World Professional Association for Transgender Health. Thanks to the intrepid reporting of Reduxx, which spent several months investigating the Eunuch Archive, we learned that men on that site swap castration-themed written pornography involving the sexual torture of children whose puberty has been stunted. One user on that foul site described watching a trans surgery on a male as “arousing” to watch. These men say “eunuch” is a kind of “gender-diverse” person, by the way, and it's actually listed in WPATH’s official guidelines.

The trench dwellers also know about the 2016 Dutch medical report that was part of the linchpin study underlying gender surgeries on youth. An 18-year-old in that study had been on puberty blockers, so his genitals hadn’t matured, and surgeons used part of his bowel tissue to fashion a simulacrum of a female sex organ — a laparoscopic intestinal vaginoplasty. Complications followed: E. coli bacteria from his intestine spread through his body, and he died of sepsis. When this came to light, more people started paying attention, especially since Elon Musk had purchased Twitter by then, and photos of the man’s maimed genital area were able to circulate freely online.

We’ve seen pink-haired queer surgeon Blair Peters speak in a podcast interview about using the peritoneum in similarly grotesque surgeries he does on minor boys. We’ve watched Democrat politicians walk out of the room when U.S. Rep. Kat Cammack (R-Florida) tried to show footage of that Peters interview during a House hearing.

We’ve seen Jazz Jennings’ face contorted in excruciating pain after “bottom surgery,” and we later learned how his postoperative wound split open. We've seen a young woman with cerebral palsy bearing chest scars from “top surgery,” while croaking out sounds and flailing about in a wheelchair.

Just when we think it can’t get worse — it always does — we stumble upon the story of Scarlet Blake, a transgender-identifying man who livestreamed himself killing a cat by skinning it and putting the animal in a blender. Blake murdered a human being a few months later, but the mass media broadly reported that he, the perpetrator, is a “woman.”

We’ve seen all the boundary-breaking madness of garish drag queens reading to children in libraries. We can’t seem to forget this particular pervert that some of us call “rainbow monkey dildo man.”

We’ve seen the 11-year-old “drag kid” performer “Desmond Is Amazing” dance in a gay nightclub while patrons threw dollar bills at him. Elle magazine platformed another young drag performer, an 8-year-old boy from Canada whose stage name is “Lactatia.”

Speaking of lactation, we’ve watched the disturbing capture of groups like La Leche League and the Centers for Disease Control endorse the feculent phenomenon of “chestfeeding” — trans-identifying males pretending to breastfeed babies. The NHS Trust in the UK even claimed that the drug-induced, hormone-addled discharge that such men secrete was as good as mother’s milk. In 2017, one such man who “chestfed” his daughter wrote in the Seattle alt newspaper The Stranger that the experience was sexually charged and that he “got off” on it, insisting readers not judge him. Yes, it’s as revolting as it sounds; they are using infants like prostitutes to satisfy their sick, twisted fetish.

We’ve seen the FOIA’d progress report document showing how Dr. Johanna Olson-Kennedy altered a research protocol, lowering the age from 13 to 8 for the cross-sex hormone cohort inclusion criteria in an NIH-funded grant.

We’ve watched in horror as a psychopathic man who savagely murdered a lesbian couple and their teen son was transferred into a women’s prison, made easy by a state law that California Governor Gavin Newsom signed in 2020. We’ve heard bone-chilling stories of violent male offenders being housed with women elsewhere, too. We’ve seen a judge who nearly received a lifetime federal appointment — thank you, Senator Ossoff, for voting no — who had urged, against the recommendation of the Bureau of Prisons, that a man who had sexually abused a nine-year-old boy and distributed child sexual abuse material be incarcerated with women. All because of the magic word “trans.” 

We’ve seen the data, from insurance record analyses and medical journal documentation, showing girls as young as 12 and 13 undergoing mastectomies, and boys as young as 15 undergoing genital surgery. We’ve seen the Do No Harm database showing that between 2019 and 2023, nearly 14,000 minors received puberty blockers or hormones, and over 5,700 minors underwent gender surgeries. These are lowball figures, I should note, since some insurance systems are closed to researchers.

We’ve watched the federal government pursue whistleblowers, like Dr. Eithan Haim, who exposed the entrenched medical harm. We’ve fielded dozens of desperate calls from parents describing how their children are permanently sterile and surgically disfigured in pursuit of a lie. We’ve heard the piercing anguish and exhaustion in their voices, and their stories of being jolted awake at night with heart palpitations. Some have had their children taken and kept away from them by state social services agencies and their ideological machinery, and many moms and dads have no legal recourse to get them back. One such teenager, Yaeli Martinez, who was taken from her mother, died by suicide, stepping in front of an oncoming train in Los Angeles. Her mother had to learn how the pieces of her shattered body were being retrieved from the railroad tracks.

Some of us now carry secondary trauma from years of sifting through this diabolical wretchedness. We find ourselves sporadically and inexplicably on the verge of vomiting, our bodies seizing up in panic. Our nervous systems are fried, and our sleep is disturbed. Some of us have family members mired in the gender jungle, and it makes the torment all the more personal.

We are not in the mood to be told that we are right-wing “culture warriors” stoking a moral panic. We are done being told “Just let them pee in peace,” and “Trans kids know who they are,” as we have heard ad nauseam.

No — those of us in the trans trench have been exposed to things at a granular level that we hope you never have to see. We’ll take some of it to our graves. We’ve been harassed, threatened, sent disturbing material by email, and censored on social media for stating basic biology. We can relate to the kind of hostile bilge that Irreversible Damage author Abigail Shrier received from a trans activist. I print it in full so as not to sugarcoat what it has been like: “I’ll slit your f*cking throat and f*ck your newly made neck p*ssy.”

How any of us in the trans trench have remained sane is nothing short of a miracle. Some of us need counseling to process everything we’ve had to absorb, so we can inform the public about the atrocities happening right under our noses.

Even as some gender clinics are closing due to federal agency action, and though the U.S. Supreme Court has handed down three solid rulings curtailing gender ideology in the past year, this horrific problem continues. Oregon remains a transgender haven. Maine Democrats recently platformed a man who claims to be a woman as a possible candidate for US Senate — a man who also has claimed that he ovulates and that menstrual blood comes out of his anus.

But instead of accountability, we feel mostly ignored. In a sane world, we would be convening Nuremberg 2.0 tribunals, but we’re watching politicians and major media start to treat this chapter as something to forget and be memory-holed.

But we trans trench dwellers never will.

Yet even in the New Statesman, Hannah Barnes can now write:

Men and women are different. But saying so has become taboo, according to the evolutionary psychologist Steve Stewart-Williams. A vocal minority, he states, sees positing the existence of sex differences as “a moral transgression”, to which the typical response is to “cancel, punish and shun”. This is particularly pronounced in academia, where biases distort discussion, he argues. In the Western world, there’s a predisposition towards minimising sex differences. There are other biases. “Studies finding anti-female bias are shouted from the rooftops,” while “those finding no bias or bias against men are reported in a whisper or simply ignored”, Stewart-Williams writes in his new book, A Billion Years of Sex Differences.

This lack of honesty matters. “If we want to make the world a better place, we need good science,” he maintains. That’s not possible “if scientists are afraid to diverge from the pre-specified conclusions of an academic political monoculture”. He argues that not only are there clear differences between the sexes, but the basis for them – in large part – is our “million-year journey of human evolutionary history”. This goes for everything from dating and toy preference to mental and physical health.

“In large part” is key. Stewart-Williams is no gender traditionalist. He rejects those who “exaggerate” differences between men and women. So too, the sex difference-minimisers who argue that if differences exist they’re “a product of discrimination and socialisation” – and that equality requires their abolition. Both views lack balance and fall foul of the science, he says.

Stewart-Williams advocates for a third way: one that acknowledges both nature and nurture, and which neither overstates nor underplays sex differences. Readers are taken through a long list of “standard-issue” differences, all of which, it’s argued, are hugely influenced by nature. These go from the obvious and uncontroversial (men are larger than women), to the uncomfortable but accepted: men, on average, are more violent and take more risks. Nature helps explain differences in both our physical and mental health – women are more prone to mental health disorders, men to substance abuse – and our desired occupations and playthings. Men tend to be more interested in “things” and things-related jobs (like engineering or computer programming); for women it’s people and people-related jobs. We’re even predisposed to like certain toys: cars, weapons and building blocks for boys; dolls, homemaking toys and fashion items for girls.

These are, Stewart-Williams acknowledges, “basically a compilation of antiquated stereotypes”. But that doesn’t mean they don’t exist or have a solely cultural cause. Nor does arguing that their root lies in evolution mean that these differences are fixed forever or inherently good or bad.

While some sex differences are “genuinely large”, these are almost always physical. Most human sex differences fall into the “fuzzy or statistical” category. Imagine a standard bell curve. The horizontal axis represents scores on a given trait. The vertical axis represents the number of people with a given score. When we say men are, for instance, more aggressive than women, we are talking about two bell curves that overlap. The one representing men is slightly further to the right. As Stewart-Williams explains, men and women can be found at almost every level of aggression. On an individual basis, some women are more aggressive than some men. But the average level of aggression is somewhat higher for men.

For each trait, Stewart-Williams argues that the sex difference observed has a part-evolutionary explanation. Many appear “remarkably early in life”, long before children are even properly aware of their own sex, or during puberty. That’s not proof of an innate contribution, he writes, but it certainly increases the plausibility of evolutionary factors. These differences have persisted over time: if they were solely down to culture “why would so many [traits] be so uniquely resistant to efforts to reform them?” These sex differences have been observed across different cultures, and many are found in animals.

The ultimate explanation is what Stewart-Williams calls “reproductive variability”. Male animals – including humans – can have more children than females. For both sexes, any trait that helps an individual edge towards the maximum possible number of children for their sex has a good chance of being selected, and subsequently passed on. Depending on the animal, this might be traits that enhance males’ ability to attract females, or beat up rival males, or even coerce unwilling females into sex.

But, importantly, human sex differences are far smaller than they are for other species. Why so? It’s because of how complicated we are. We fall in love and form long-lasting relationships. With humans, both sexes are choosy about their mates and care for their children. This has lowered the maximum number of children men can produce, bringing it closer to the number for women. “As that happened, it ushered in a corresponding reduction in the magnitude of sex differences in our species,” writes Stewart-Williams.

These arguments are – in large part – persuasive. Stewart-Williams’s casual, Ted-talk-esque style succeeds in making complex science understandable. He’s often witty, too. But after a few chapters, what initially seemed charming and enjoyable starts to grate. The same points are made over and over again, and the prose begins to feel formulaic. And while the arguments for an evolutionary influence are persuasive for many traits where sex differences observed, some fail to convince.

“Men are overwhelmingly the perpetrators, and women overwhelmingly the victims” of sexual assault and rape, Stewart-Williams claims. But with intimate partner abuse, he continues, there is only a difference when it comes to “extreme” physical aggression. (“Less extreme” aggression is not defined.) “In the modern West, men and women engage in similar levels of physical aggression against partners, and women, if anything, engage in more verbal aggression,” he says. The 2006 paper cited for the claim argues firmly that the basis of this is strongly cultural (going against Stewart-Williams’s argument). “The relative difference between men’s and women’s partner aggression, and the level of men’s physical aggression against their partners, appears to be strongly influenced by the predominant beliefs of each society,” it concludes.

For the rest of the chapter, it’s claimed – not all that convincingly – that both sexual violence and intimate abuse are best explained by evolution. Rape is not primarily about power or misogyny. “The main contributors are men’s greater interest in casual sex and sexual variety, coupled with women’s greater sexual choosiness.” When combined with “men’s greater size, strength, and willingness to use aggression… you’ve got a recipe for occasional disaster”. Occasional? According to the most recent figures for England and Wales, one in 250 women aged 16 or over were the victim of either rape or assault by penetration in the year ending March 2025. Close to one in 33 female (739,000) experienced a form of sexual assault.

The discussion on sexual misconduct aside, this is an important book. In A Billion Years of Sex Differences, Stewart-Williams is making a more profound argument: magnifying or minimising sex differences doesn’t just ignore science, it leads to harm. By failing to treat us as individuals, we end up discriminating against men and women. In medicine, both exaggerating and denying sex differences can be dangerous: doctors overlook gender atypical problems or presentations, for example missing eating disorders in men and heart attacks in women.

Gender-role individualism is Stewart-Williams’s proffered solution. We should “establish a fair and level playing field”, and let people make informed choices. We can work towards eliminating sex differences “created or amplified by unjust bias or barriers”. But we must acknowledge that “the sexes do differ on average, and we can’t just lie about that”, he says. Instead, we should “tell the truth carefully”.

This is the book’s ultimate message. Truth matters. If we deny differences that “everyone can see with their own two eyes”, the public simply won’t trust scientists on “politically charged topics”. Perhaps that ship has already sailed. Trust in “experts” has been in freefall for years. But an environment in which scientists, politicians, academics and others feel able to tell the truth – however uncomfortable – and not to be punished for doing so, is worth fighting for.

Order of Freedom?

On our islands at the other end of Europe, and surrounded by friendly states, we are supposed to be terrified of Russia even as its failure to subdue Ukraine continued into the fullscale collapse of the Ukrainian regime that had rewarded our own recently deposed Prime Minister with its Order of Freedom despite his having been, in a crowded field, the most authoritarian holder of the office in living memory. It is amazing what a quarter of a billion pounds in fighter jets can buy you. Andy Burnham should cancel that immediately and put the money towards the cost of living at home. Not least, the cost of energy.

But has Saudi Arabia a shortage of energy, such that it needed to develop nuclear power? Donald Trump has just given it nuclear weapons, and everyone knows it. What matters to him is that he, his family and his courtiers will be paid. The House of Saud understands perfectly. For all Ed Miliband’s efforts back in the day, we have ended up giving Syria to the Saudi proxies in al-Qaeda and in the so-called Islamic State, deproscribing Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and literally rolling out the red carpet for Ahmed al-Sharaa. And now, Trump is giving that mob the Bomb. Russia, or indeed Iran, is the least of our worries.

Fittest

While I used to be quite widely known as SpeedboatLet’s have a look at what you could have won, that seems to have gone by the by. But there are still those who call me The Cockroach because I would survive a nuclear war, so I welcome the Cockroach Janata Party.

Undeniably, I am a better survivor than James Murray or Dan Jarvis, each hilariously demoted back to his own old job. Had he any self-respect, then he would have resigned rather than suffer that indignity. The gum-flappers gushed for 15 years that Jarvis ought to be at least Defence Secretary, then did not even bother to name him when he was replaced while the man into whose grave he had jumped was brought back as Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Similarly, Natalie Fleet went round for months telling people that she was going to replace Jess Phillips as Minister for Safeguarding and Violence Against Women and Girls. Fleet, whose politically useful version of her past is taken entirely at face value, has lasted barely more than two months in the job, and will be remembered, if at all, for having tweeted that, “Nigel Farage and his gang of bin men get the same security as the rest of us. Sick of the faux outrage. None of them cared when a senior Reform UK politician was sharing my death threats!” A worthy successor, and possibly also predecessor, to Phillips, who was known to describe Ann Widdecombe as “a little fascist beast”.

Demotion obviously means out next time, so notice that also leaving the Cabinet but remaining a Minister is Anna Turley, the last of the Hilary Armstrong Information Exchange. And that pretty much brings us back to where we came in.