Saturday, 27 June 2026

Rest In Power, David Hencke


The acclaimed journalist David Hencke, whose career at The Guardian spanned more than three decades, has died of liver cancer aged 79.

As Westminster correspondent, Hencke was instrumental in exposing the cash-for-questions scandal that forced the resignations of two Conservative ministers, and the scoop that led to Peter Mandelson’s first resignation from government.

The Guardian’s editor-in-chief, Katharine Viner, said: “David Hencke was a true Fleet Street legend. He worked for the Guardian for more than 30 years and was responsible for breaking some of the biggest political stories of the time.

“David became the most feared journalist in Westminster because of his acute nose for political scandal and wrongdoing. He worked with an enthusiasm and energy that inspired colleagues and rivals over an impressively long and important career.”

Francis Beckett, a distinguished journalist who worked with Hencke on three books, said: “David discovered early in life something he loved doing and was very good at. And he was a lucky man; he was able to do it for all of his working life. And what he loved was finding things out that rich and powerful people didn’t want us to know, and telling us.

“Working with him on the three books we did together, I saw regularly the excitement it gave him to find something that was genuinely new, that somebody powerful had tried to hide, and put it in the book.”

Beckett recalled how Hencke’s relaxed demeanour and keen nose for a story made him a formidable scoop getter. “He looked and sounded completely harmless. If I had been a politician with a secret and I had looked at David, I can perfectly well imagine I would have confided in him.”

Hencke was, he revealed, still working on a story until a week before his death on Friday. “That was what he loved doing.”

Hencke joined the paper as a reporter in 1976 before graduating to his role as Westminster correspondent, a position he held until his departure in 2009. He went on to work as an investigative journalist.

Hencke was named reporter of the year in 1994 for his coverage of the cash-for-questions scandal. The story was key in raising the public’s awareness of Tory sleaze in the 1990s, a prominent issue at the 1997 general election that ended 18 years of Conservative rule.

It eventually led to the resignations of the ministers Neil Hamilton and Tim Smith. The latter stepped down as an MP, while the former was defeated by the journalist Martin Bell, who stood on an anti-corruption platform.

Hencke also won scoop of the year in 1998 for revealing Peter Mandelson’s secret £373,000 home loan with his beleaguered government colleague Geoffrey Robinson. The cash, Hencke and his colleagues reported, enabled Mandelson to buy his £475,000 Notting Hill home.

Spotlight

Keir Starmer is too weak to sack Mike Tapp, and Shabana Mahmood is too weak to resign. Still, after 20 July, the one thing that Tapp will never again be is a Junior Minister. What Cabinet Minister would have him? There were people who wanted another three years of this.

Those people's latest line is that Andy Burnham is unqualified for the Premiership. In reality, Burnham joined the Cabinet six and a half years before the earliest date on which Starmer could possibly have joined the Labour Party. Like Tony Blair and David Cameron, Starmer became Prime Minister without ever having been an MP for the governing party. But like them, he passed the class and regional tests, since no one ever really quite believed that Blair sat for Sedgefield, a place with nothing to show for 10 years of representation by the Prime Minister, and his family home was always in London.

Burnham will be the first Prime Minister to be a male product of a mixed secondary school, something that the Epstein Class is peculiarly desperate to stop, just as, at least in Britain, it has a peculiar scorn for the very word "buses". We saw that when Jeremy Corbyn once tried to raise bus services at Prime Minister's Questions, and we are seeing it again from, of all people, John Major of the Cones Hotline.

Not that the Epstein Class is doing well. Having demanded the death penalty for Edward Snowden and Chelsea Manning, and 176 years in prison for Julian Assange, John Bolton himself now stands convicted under the Espionage Act. Reform UK, which Peter Thiel presumed to endorse when James Orr invited him to speak at Cambridge, is falling apart, with David Bull telling Nigel Farage to get lost because he was an embarrassment, and with Zia Yusuf admitting on Question Time that he had been refused selection as a by-election candidate, something that the party extended even to Robert Kenyon. And an oddly precise £1,539.45 has had to be handed back to Zack Polanski because he had not been on the electoral register when he had given it to the party of which he was already the Leader, the Green Party of Noam Chomsky and of Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor's protective elder brother.

Speaking of the King, if he and the Queen are not going to be living in the residential part of Buckingham Palace, then who is? While it is possible to resign from His Majesty's Privy Council, as Jeffrey Donaldson has done, it is not possible to resign an honour. Only the King may take that away from you; for example, for all that he sent back his medal, Elizabeth II never stripped John Lennon of his MBE, with which he died whether he liked it or not. But the King was always going to deknight Donaldson, who is still engaging in pure cant.

He is not the only one. There is no way that the BBC made this between Monday and Friday, and its main message is in any case that everyone who was anyone always knew about Donaldson. Of course the British State uses kompromat. And a "gay sauna" operated for years right opposite MI6 in Vauxhall, just over the water from the Palace of Westminster, but we are expected to believe that two senior officers of the Police Service of Northern Ireland just happened to see Donaldson go into it as they were passing? Pull the other one. So to speak.

The whole thing is as fanciful as this, which was purportedly made in a single afternoon, which has sunk without trace along with Blair's heavily hyped recent intervention, and which the Police have gone so far as to insist publicly had no basis in fact, with neither Roman Lavrynovych nor Stanislav Carpiuc sentenced as a terrorist, as absolutely any convict may now be at the judge's discretion, despite supposedly having acted on behalf of a foreign power to firebomb the Prime Minister's old house, very old flat, and old car. Starmer is under pressure to compile a Resignation Honours List after all. Look out for the team behind that Panorama, or they would have legitimate cause for complaint, having made complete and utter fools of themselves. Did Two Year Keir's resignation really have nothing to do with his babymommas, his sugar daddies, or his rent boys? Burnham will bring many things to Downing Street. But those will not be among them.

Labour’s Hollow Crown

I would buy a newspaper again for a column by Paul Knaggs:

They will tell you that Keir Starmer chose his moment and walked away with his head high. He did not. He was pushed, and he was pushed because his own party had become a thing the country could no longer bear to look at.

The wound had a name, and the name was Mandelson. Starmer chose him, called the appointment a stroke of genius, and sent him to Washington as ambassador. The vetting that should have come first came second, and when the security service raised the alarm, officials reached for a rare power to wave the appointment through, because the prime minister had already announced it. Then the emails surfaced. Peter Mandelson had stayed close to Jeffrey Epstein long after the conviction that should have ended every such friendship, and had sent him supportive messages. He was sacked. He has since been arrested on suspicion of misconduct in public office over documents passed to that same man. He has not been charged, and the courts have not ruled. But the political damage was done the moment the public understood what kind of company the leadership kept.

This was not the accident of one bad hire. Starmer himself spent years inside the Trilateral Commission, the off-the-record networking club of bankers, spies and transnational managers that treats mass democracy as a problem to be managed. He was one of only two sitting British MPs ever known to belong. He was not the only notable name on its rolls. By his own account in the Justice Department files now public, Jeffrey Epstein sat in the same Commission, a club that handed its card to a future Labour prime minister and a convicted child trafficker alike. We mapped the whole network when the files dropped. None of it makes Starmer a criminal.

All of it tells you the world he chose to live in, and the company that world keeps. The Mandelson affair did not reveal a new Labour. It confirmed the oldest suspicion we hold about it: that the people at the top of this party live in a world that has nothing to do with the people they were elected to serve.

The Mandelson affair did not reveal a new Labour. It confirmed the old suspicion.

So the mob came for a sacrifice. The parliamentary party that had cheered him into Downing Street turned and demanded a body. And here is the uncomfortable truth: in this one instance, the mob was right. The party was toxic, and the local elections had said so in numbers no amount of spin could soften. Someone had to go. Starmer went.

Now let me be clear about what does not trouble me, because it is where most of the commentary goes wrong. I am not scandalised that we do not elect our prime ministers. We never have. You vote for a party, and for a name on a ballot in your own town; you have never once put a cross beside a prime minister. Gordon Brown took the keys this way. So did John Major. That is the system, and on the whole it is the system as it should be.

My concern is sharper, and it is this. A party that won a landslide cannot find, anywhere on its own benches, a single person fit to lead it. It had to send outside Parliament for a rescuer. It had to persuade a sitting MP to resign a safe seat so that Andy Burnham could win a by-election and walk in through the side door, the first time a seat has been manufactured for an outsider this way since Leyton in 1965. And on the strength of that single contest, fewer than 25,000 votes in one corner of Greater Manchester, he is to be handed 68 million people. New crown, same head. Even Andrew Neil, no friend of ours, looked at the Burnham programme and found no policies in it.

That is the perversity. Not that he is unelected. That his party, with a supermajority, is so hollow it had to import him.

And the supermajority was never what it looked like. Labour did not win in 2024 so much as inherit the wreckage. 411 seats on 33.7 per cent of the vote, the lowest share any governing party has ever taken into office. That is not a movement. That is a vacancy, opened by a Conservative collapse and flattered by a voting system that turns a third of the vote into two thirds of the seats. Nobody marched for this government. They simply declined to march for the last one.

Labour did not win in 2024 so much as inherit the wreckage.

So let us stop pretending this is a Labour problem, or a Burnham problem, and name it for what it is. The rot runs through the whole machine. Corruption is not the property of one party; it moves freely between all of them. The vision is gone. The basic grasp of how an economy works, of how a country feeds and houses and warms itself, has gone with it.

What replaced it is a kind of managerial vanity. We have outsourced our industry, globalised our economy, and shrunk the entire national project down to a place in a table. Westminster frets over Britain’s standing in the G7 as though we were a football club scrapping to stay out of the relegation zone. And the cruel joke is that even top of the table would change nothing for ordinary people, because the levers that matter were given away long ago.

We govern on licence now. Licensed by the orthodoxy of the IMF, by the level playing field we were promised would set us free, by fiscal rules welded shut, by market forces, by the daily duty of keeping the bond markets soothed. The politician who swears he will transform your life has already agreed, in every room that counts, to touch none of the things that could.

Which leaves one question, the only one worth putting to any of them. Westminster has forgotten who it governs, and who it governs for. So ask the next leader, and the one after that, the question they are never made to answer: who do you serve? And do not imagine the other side is the answer. Before anyone offers Reform as the insurgency, look at who they are. All eight of their MPs have worn a Conservative rosette at one time or another. Four of them crossed the floor only in the last year. The great revolt against the establishment is staffed by the establishment’s cast-offs: recycled Tories in a new colour, selling the same managed decline. The choice on offer is a coronation on one side and a relaunch on the other. Neither asked you. Neither intends to.

This is what system failure looks like in its last stage, before the thing shakes itself apart. Not a coup, not a crisis you can photograph, but a machine driven long past its tolerance: a governing party that cannot govern, an opposition recycled from the people who governed before, a political class fluent in everything except the lives of the people it rules. Listen to it. The gears are grinding now, metal on metal, the whole apparatus juddering on its mountings. Change the face at the top as often as you like. You are not repairing the engine. You are standing beside it when it goes.

Because it is failing of the thing it has always lacked: care, vision, democracy, and any real understanding of who it was built to serve. A machine that has forgotten its purpose does not coast to a gentle halt. It runs hot, then hotter, and then it comes apart.

The king is dead. Long live the king. And the machine that’s shaking itself to pieces.

Degrading

But the problem is tribunals granting Sharia divorces to those who request them. Of course. Harry Davies and Rob Evans writes:

When Sarah Steele woke up on the morning of 2 December 2023, she found herself in a pool of cold water in a bathtub. She was naked and in the apartment of an American fighter pilot she had met in person for the first time the night before. She was confused. Her head hurt, and so did her neck.

This was the account Steele, a British academic, provided to prosecutors. They later accused the pilot, Capt Jacob Wulfson, of drugging and strangling Steele in his apartment in the east of England, and penetrating her vagina with his penis without her consent.

In the criminal justice system for England and Wales, Wulfson’s trial would probably have been held at the city’s crown court, and the alleged offence categorised as rape. A jury of ordinary citizens – men and women – would have heard the case. If found guilty, a judge would have decided the sentence.

However, Wulfson’s case was tried at a court martial on a US airbase, despite his alleged crime taking place while he was off duty and in an English city. The proceedings followed US military law, and the offence was not charged as rape but as sexual assault and “aggravated sexual contact”.

The judge, an air force colonel, sat before an American flag. He presided over a room of people in navy-blue uniforms. The jury – who heard the case in April this year at RAF Lakenheath, the largest US base in Britain – was a panel of eight air force officers.

All were stationed on the same base as Wulfson. All were men.

The panel’s president, equivalent to a jury foreman, was the chief of the squadron that maintains the jets flown by Wulfson. Another panel member had been acquitted of sexual offences at a court martial several years earlier.

Apart from two Guardian reporters and the British witnesses who took the stand, everyone in the courtroom was American. At one point, the NHS was misnamed. At another, there was confusion about how long it would take to get to Wales.

Unlike in the British courts, there was no dock for the accused. Wulfson sat at a table with the defence team, directly across from the airmen selected to weigh the evidence in the week-long court martial.

Wulfson, a decorated aviator, flew F-35s, the US military’s most advanced fighter jet. He served in Afghanistan and more recently had trained to fly carrying nuclear weapons. His elite squadron was nicknamed the “Valkyries”.

He did not give evidence in the court martial. For much of the proceedings, he was silent, exercising his right under the US constitution not to testify. As a result, he did not provide his own account of what had happened in his apartment.

Instead, Wulfson’s defence team sought to undermine Steele’s credibility. His lawyer, an ex-army litigator who had flown in from Florida, depicted her as a financially motivated, sex-obsessed “liar”, subjecting her to the kind of theatrical and combative questioning more commonly found in US courtrooms.

Steele’s experience throws into sharp relief what can happen when the alleged perpetrator of a crime in the UK is a member of the US military.

Technically, the UK authorities should have primary jurisdiction to prosecute crimes allegedly perpetrated by US service members off duty and off base. But the Wulfson case is one of several uncovered by the Guardian in which UK police and prosecutors appear to be ceding responsibility to their American military counterparts.

“The British authorities should be fighting to maintain jurisdiction,” said Rachel VanLandingham, a law professor and former US air force judge advocate involved in efforts to reform military law. “Why should they trust the American military justice system with anything related to sexual assault?”

In Wulfson’s case, the jury found him guilty of strangling Steele, but not guilty of penetrating her vagina without her consent.

If his case had been heard in the English courts, the judge would have at this point taken responsibility for sentencing Wulfson. Under national guidelines, the equivalent offence of non-fatal strangulation carries a maximum sentence of five years.

At the court martial, Wulfson could choose between the judge or jury to decide his punishment. He opted to have his fellow airmen, with little or no legal experience, decide his sentence.

The maximum sentence of imprisonment they could impose was 13 years. The prosecution requested five years. After three hours of deliberations, the men returned with a decision: Wulfson would be confined to a corrections facility for six months.

At the back of the courtroom, Steele looked exhausted. She had spent more than six hours on the stand that week. In a statement to The Guardian, she described the court martial as a “degrading” process that had placed her, rather than Wulfson, on trial.

‘His hand was on my neck’

RAF Lakenheath is in effect a small American town in west Suffolk. There are more than 6,000 active-duty personnel plus their family members stationed at the base, where the convenience stores are stocked with American candy.

The base has its own shopping mall, a drive-thru Taco Bell and a miniature Statue of Liberty. The currency used in its shops and cafes is dollars. To reach the emergency services (it has its own hospital, police force and fire service) you dial 911.

Lakenheath is home to the US air force’s 48th fighter wing. A typical morning on base involves formations of fighter jets departing for training missions. Some of its jets were recently involved in the US bombardment of Iran.

Wulfson worked at the base’s F-35 complex. After joining the Valkyries, one of Lakenheath’s two F-35 squadrons – the second is known as the Grim Reapers – his name and callsign, Lone, could be seen printed on a flap of one of the jets capable of dropping thermonuclear bombs.

Wulfson met Steele on Tinder in September 2023. They both lived in Cambridge, a 40-minute drive from the airbase. “I live on Midsummer Common,” he wrote in one of his early messages. “I’m a pilot up at Lakenheath.”

After exchanging messages on the dating app, they switched to WhatsApp, sharing details about their lives. Steele, then 39, had separated from her long-term partner earlier that year. In court, she said she had been dipping her toe back into the dating world. “I was trying to see what was next in my life.”

Weeks after they met online, Steele went into hospital for surgery to deal with complications arising from a mastectomy she had had several years earlier. From hospital, she texted with Wulfson, who was 29, as she lay recovering, joking about the strong painkillers she was taking.

They also exchanged messages sharing sexual fantasies. In conversations with friends, she referred to him as “the pilot”.

By 1 December 2023, Steele was back on her feet and slowly returning to her fitness regime. At the gym that evening, she discussed with a friend whether she should meet Wulfson in person for the first time. He had texted her earlier that day to see what she was up to.

At 10.42pm, Wulfson wrote again: “You should come here.” She asked where “here” was. “At my flat,” he replied. Back at home, Steele quickly showered and ate some slices of apple before driving over to him.

Before arriving, she texted him with what she described as “a few ground rules”. It read: “No means no when said. No hands on my neck. Ever. Condoms please.” She acknowledged that her message was “blunt”. Wulfson replied: “Yes, that’s fair.”

Security camera footage played in the court martial showed Steele arriving at his apartment building shortly after 11.30pm. Steele’s account of what happened next was laid out by the military prosecutors. 

Upstairs in the kitchen, Wulfson poured her a whisky and they chatted for around half an hour. The prosecution alleged it was while Steele was in his apartment that a potent drug, etizolam, entered her system. They advanced several theories about how it was administered but could not say for certain, and Wulfson was ultimately acquitted of the drug-related charge.

From the kitchen, they moved to Wulfson’s bedroom and undressed. Steele said on the witness stand that it was at this point “things sped up really quite fast”. Asked by the prosecutor to describe what had happened, she said that once Wulfson was on top of her, he moved “very rapidly” and penetrated her without a condom – against her stated wishes.

She said she tried to protest but couldn’t. The prosecutor asked why not. “His hand was on my neck,” she replied. She said she had wanted him to slow down but she “couldn’t speak”. She described looking up at him and noticing a light fixture on the ceiling above his head.

“One of his hands was on my arm, one of his hands was on my neck,” Steele said. Asked how this felt, she said she was frightened, and that things then started going dark. “[I felt] like I was going out, disappearing down a tunnel, and then nothing.”

Prosecutors alleged that Steele had passed out in Wulfson’s bed because of the etizolam in her body and the pressure he applied to her neck. “As he was squeezing her neck he was still penetrating her,” alleged Christopher Mitchell, the air force major on the prosecution team.

Her next memory, Steele testified, was waking up in the cold water of Wulfson’s bath.

She said her body was sore. Where, the prosecutor asked. “Throat, neck, head, feet, genitals,” she said. She described feeling confused about why she was in so much pain. At that point, she said, “I was not sure of anything.” 

‘Like someone had beat the shit out of her’

According to the prosecution’s case, Wulfson eventually helped Steele out of the bath and returned her to his bed. She remained there until the afternoon, drifting in and out of sleep. The nausea was acute, she said. “I had splitting pain in my foot and fire in my throat.”

Later, after Wulfson had driven Steele home (she said she was unable to drive due to an injured foot), he sent her a series of texts. “I am so sorry. I’m horrified with myself,” he wrote. “I need to spend some time thinking about who I am,” he added. “I feel so badly about what happened.”

Steele went that evening to A&E (a term that had to be explained to the American jury). She was scanned and X-rayed. A doctor who treated her testified that she had “injuries visible to the eye”, namely bruising on her face and body. The doctor did not observe bruising on her neck, though she said Steele presented symptoms associated with strangulation.

Steele left hospital the following morning and a friend took her to a sexual assault referral centre. There, Steele said, she gave a urine sample and photos were taken of her vagina as part of an intimate examination conducted by a forensic nurse.

She also had an off-the-record conversation with a UK police officer stationed at the centre. Afterwards her friend, a woman who worked for the US air force, took Steele to a nearby US base to have a similar conversation with military police.

Within 24 hours, US air force police had arrested Wulfson. A spokesperson for the federal law enforcement agency told the Guardian it “negotiated jurisdiction” with Cambridgeshire police and agreed the US “would take the lead”. Cambridgeshire police confirmed it had agreed the Americans “would take investigative primacy”.

Another friend who saw Steele around that time testified that “it looked like someone had beat the shit out of her”.

During the court martial, an alternative explanation for the injuries was presented by Wulfson’s lawyer, Tim Bilecki, a prominent defence attorney in the US court martial system who posts videos on YouTube about his courtroom victories. Steele’s injuries, he said, were the result of her own actions.

Bilecki, an imposing presence with a blond crew cut and pinstripe suit, said Steele had started “freaking out” in Wulfson’s bed because of a traumatic assault earlier in her life. He claimed she had hit the pilot and head-butted him, leading her to sustain a head injury and a concussion.

The lawyer denied that Wulfson had assaulted Steele, strangled her or drugged her. “Capt Wulfson has been falsely accused, plain and simple,” he said, adding that the pilot was “unequivocally not guilty”.

At the core of Bilecki’s case was an assault on Steele’s credibility. The approach had various lines of attack, starting with a claim that Steele had fabricated the allegations as part of an elaborate scheme to extract money from a UK government compensation scheme for crime victims.

In his opening statement, Bilecki confidently asserted: “This is a play for money,” saying his client had been “set up for money”. Steele repeatedly denied this. She said she had applied to the scheme – and had still not received a decision – to cover loss of wages arising from difficulties going back to work after the assault.

The prosecution described Bilecki’s theory as absurd. By his closing submissions, he seemed less confident in this aspect of his case. “Do I know if she’s doing this for money? I don’t know,” he said.

Another line of attack was that Steele abused prescription drugs. At one point, Bilecki seized on the texts she had sent Wulfson from hospital while recovering from breast surgery. She had joked about being on strong American painkillers.

By attempting to present Steele as a drug abuser, which she strongly denied, he suggested she had in fact taken the etizolam, a benzodiazepine-like drug banned in the UK and sometimes called “street Valium”. Bilecki suggested she may have wanted to “pop a few pills before going to meet a fighter pilot significantly younger than her”.

Bilecki said there was “zero evidence” Wulfson administered the drug. “Why would you need to drug someone who is willingly coming over to hook up with you? You wouldn’t need to, it’s absurd.”

In his efforts to paint her as a “dangerous” liar, Bilecki even raised doubts about whether Steele had had reconstructive breast surgery. He asked the jury: “Have you heard any record she had that surgery?”

Such speculative claims may not have been tolerated in English courts. Alleged victims of sexual offences are entitled to anonymity and eligible for protections that include testifying from behind a screen in order to shield them from the gaze of the defendant.

With no such measures in the court martial, Steele testified a few metres away from Wulfson.

As Steele sat facing the accused, Bilecki questioned her about texts she had sent Wulfson months before she went to his apartment, describing the ways in which she wanted to have sex. The lawyer read them out. He referred to others in which she had discussed teaching law students about BDSM. “She’s certainly not some victim in the bedroom,” he said.

On the stand, Steele mostly appeared composed, if at times nervous and occasionally exasperated with Bilecki (“That’s a stupid question,” she said at one stage). At other points, she was visibly distressed, struggling to hold back tears.

This did not stop Bilecki from making a jarring claim in closing submissions that Steele had enjoyed the court martial. “She loves the attention of all of this,” he said. As he spoke, a young woman in camouflage uniform at the back of the court gently shook her head.

A sentence handed down by peers

It took the panel almost five hours to reach a verdict. By the time the men retired to deliberate, they had heard evidence from 13 witnesses called by the prosecutors, including medical professionals, military police officers, and friends of Steele. No witnesses were called by the defence.

Among the witnesses was a US military forensic biologist. He said limited male DNA had been found on Steele’s body, but traces of Wulfson’s DNA had been on her neck and breasts (the prosecution noted she had spent hours in a bath and had showered before samples were taken). Swabs taken days after the assault did not find Steele’s DNA on Wulfson’s penis.

Due to specific requirements under US law, the intimate images and report detailing the forensic examination of Steele’s vagina shortly after the alleged assault were not admissible as evidence.

When the panel filed back into court with a decision, Wulfson stood to attention, his eyes fixed ahead on the officers tasked with deciding his future. A slip of paper recording their decision was handed to the judge. Wulfson was ordered to return to his feet for the verdict.

As well as the strangulation charge, he was found guilty of another offence: wilfully disobeying a commander’s orders to not contact Steele after the assault. He was acquitted of penetrating her without her consent and doing so knowing she had been drugged.

When Wulfson elected to be sentenced by the panel, judge Brian Thompson – a bespectacled colonel who wore a black robe over an air force uniform and sipped orange soda during breaks – instructed its members that deciding on a sentence would require “wise discretion”.

Jury sentencing is permitted in only a handful of US states. Its use in courts martial was ended in 2023 amid concerns over inconsistent decisions and the role of military personnel in dispensing justice. Wulfson’s offences occurred weeks before this came into effect, meaning the old system applied.

In making their decision, the judge said, the panel should consider factors including the impact of the offences on the victim and how to promote “good order in the armed forces”. However, in this phase of the court martial – in which new witnesses would testify – they could also consider Wulfson’s military character and combat record.

The defence called three witnesses: two senior pilots he had flown alongside and a colonel who spoke via video link from a US airbase in South Korea. Referring to Wulfson by his callsign, Lone, they described him as a diligent and unassuming wingman, and one of the air force’s top young aviators.

Stories were told of Wulfson’s missions in Afghanistan flying attack jets between 2019 and 2020. He had, for example, provided air support to special forces conducting night raids in villages, and flown sorties carrying 500lb and 2,000lb bombs.

Each witness was asked whether their assessment of Wulfson’s character was different now they knew he had been convicted of strangling a woman. No, they replied – they had seen his “true character” in combat.

As Bilecki argued against a prison sentence, he presented the panel with a folder containing a record of Wulfson’s military service. On several occasions, he noted how many people his client had killed. One mission in Afghanistan, he said, resulted in hundreds of “KIA”, a reference to enemies killed in action.

On the court martial’s final day, Wulfson broke his silence and stepped forward to address the panel. He spoke softly. He said that on the night in question he had been “highly intoxicated” and had taken things “too far”. Referring to the texts he had sent apologising to Steele after the assault, he said: “What I expressed to her remains.”

“I hope we can both move on with our lives,” he added, describing what happened as “one night, one bad decision”.

The consequences for Steele were laid bare in a victim impact statement she read to the court. She stood and addressed Wulfson. “I asked you not to do something, and you did it anyway,” she said. “That was not a misunderstanding. It was a conscious disregard for my autonomy, my safety and my voice.”

Speaking through tears, she said that when she had gone to meet Wulfson she had recently undergone surgery and had been trying to “reconnect with a sense of self and feel safe in a very different body”.

She said she was grateful for the conviction, but “the road to get to this point was long” and had required her to return to “the worst experience in my life again and again”. Steele concluded with a request for the panel: “I’d like to see justice served that will not only restore some of my own faith in humanity, but offer a layer of protection to other women.”

A US air force spokesperson said the military justice process “includes strict procedural safeguards by design to ensure proceedings are fair, transparent and thorough.” They added: “Maintaining the trust that underpins our partnership, while ensuring accountability and the fair administration of discipline, remains our priority.”

In her statement to The Guardian, Steele said: “The ordeal I went through was incredibly distressing and degrading. It felt intrusive and archaic.”

What happens next?

The building where Wulfson is serving his six-month sentence is a corrections facility at RAF Lakenheath, a short distance from the runway he used to tear down at hundreds of miles an hour in an F-35. At the time of his trial, only two others were being held there.

Detainees wake each day at 5am and wear camouflage uniforms rather than prison suits. They take on work around the airbase, and visitors are allowed on Sundays and US public holidays. Good behaviour can contribute to a reduction in sentence.

As well as the six-month sentence, the panel punished Wulfson with a formal reprimand and a dismissal from the air force, a penalty that can strip an officer of veteran benefits and leave a permanent record as a convicted felon.

In a statement to The Guardian, Bilecki said that prosecutors could have charged Wulfson with rape but had opted not to, and emphasised that the court found the pilot was not guilty of the sexual assault allegations.

He also played down the significance of Wulfson’s apology. “He apologised because it made sense to,” Bilecki said. “This woman had come to his home for the first time and left looking like she had been in a fight. Obviously, the night had not gone as planned.”

Wulfson’s case will now be automatically reviewed by an air force appeals court at a military base in Maryland, that can re-examine the case’s facts and evidence. He is due to leave RAF Lakenheath in mid-September, at which point he will be free to fly home to the US.

Were it not for this article, the only public record of Wulfson’s conviction would be an entry on a docket on an obscure US air force webpage. It lists the offence for which he has been convicted and the sentence received. There is no reference to any facts of the case. There is nothing to indicate the offence occurred in Cambridge, or that the victim is a British citizen.

Friday, 26 June 2026

This Is Spinal Tapp

No self-respecting Minister would stay in office if all of his requests for documents and meetings had to be approved personally by the Secretary of State. And no self-respecting Secretary of State would stay in office if the Prime Minister had refused to sack such a Minister.

The thing is that Keir Starmer has already resigned. Mike Tapp wants to be in the Home Office when Andy Burnham needed a Home Secretary. And Shabana Mahmood wants to be the Home Secretary at that point. At least one of them will be clearing a desk that day.

Thursday, 25 June 2026

Tapp, Water

Shabana Mahmood has asked Keir Starmer to sack Mike Tapp because he had been taking ideas on which she had been working, and briefing them as his own in the hope of a job under Andy Burnham. Country First. The grownups are back in charge. It’s nice, isn’t it, the quiet?

Well, they have to fill up their time somehow. While betting the farm on solar energy, they cannot cope with the Sun in summer. There are restrictions on water use despite a spring that would have given Noah a run for his money, something that, like flaming June, is seasonal in itself even if there are degrees of it. Any water shortage in Britain would be downright laughable, except that it is not funny in the least.

Apart from Chile, where it was bequeathed by General Pinochet, only England in the whole wide world has privatised water, the failure of which is total. Lock, stock and barrel renationalisation, leading to the National Grid that was promised by Labour in 1979. Just do it. Now. The Parliament of the United Kingdom may legislate over and above any devolved body, and the people of Scotland and Wales would love this arrangement once they had it. Nothing has weakened the Union, and democratic national and parliamentary sovereignty, more than privatisation. While there are grey areas, if something would obviously have to be rescued by the State rather than allowed to go bust, then it belongs in public ownership, just as if something obviously would not, then it does not. Corner shops? Obviously not. But water? Obviously.

Yet who is to make this case? Kemi Badenoch? Rupert Lowe? Nigel Farage, whom Badenoch calls a Corbynite as if that were still an insult? Yesterday, Farage admitted that he had not spent any of Christopher Harborne’s five million pounds on “lifelong security”, nor apparently on anything else. But no one is given five million pounds for nothing. This is not going to go away. It is our business if it was less than a year before he entered Parliament, which it was. Those are the written rules. It is our business if he wants to be Prime Minister, which he does. Those are the unwritten rules. And if, while advocating very hard for cryptocurrencies, Farage did not use any of that money to invest in Kwasi Kwarteng’s cryptocurrency company, then what did he use?

Conversion Excursion

Although the Crown Court backlog may not be down by very much, it is down, but that is beside the point as far as the Government is concerned. Its desire to restrict trial by jury is ideological, and would therefore apply even if there were no backlog. Even with the prisons at and indeed beyond breaking point, it is cheerfully seeking to create whole new categories of serious criminal offence.

For example, what, exactly, is the “conversion therapy” that would carry a sentence of five years? The Government would no longer be unveiling anything of this magnitude unless it had been signed off by Andy Burnham, so we need not bother looking to him. It has been under Burnham that Manchester has come to present Canal Street as its social and cultural heart and soul.

Yet most lesbians and gay men had heterosexual experiences in adolescence, and sometimes well after that, before deciding that it was not for them. Why should there be either a cultural taboo around articulating the reverse experience, or a legal sanction for cooperating in someone else’s? Ignore hysteria about things like electroconvulsion, which went out with the Ark.

If conversion therapy is abhorrent, then what about the drastic and irreversible psychological, chemical and surgical aspects of so-called sex changes, which are a vast array of medical treatment for something that is supposedly not an illness at all?

And just as a ban on halal slaughter would also ban kosher slaughter, or a ban on the medically unnecessary circumcision of children would ban the bris, would not this measure ban the pastoral practice of Orthodox Judaism? We could not be having that. Could we?