Wednesday, 2 September 2026

Don’t Dream It, Be It

Reform UK is now third in the polls, and Nigel Farage reentered the House of Commons to silence, without so much as a handshake from the Speaker, before telling GB News that he hardly intended to set foot in the place again. Starting as he meant to go on, he did not attend one second of Andy Burnham’s three and a half hours at the Despatch Box.

That was only marginally less time than Keir Starmer’s entire service as a Member of Parliament alongside Jeremy Corbyn and Rishi Sunak, both of whom have outlasted him. Suggest uses for Starmer. There, that didn’t take very long, did it? But the deaths of Tim Curry and Dolly Parton remind us that we shall never see Dolly’s Dr. Frank-N-Furter, which would have broken all box office records. Starmer could at least give that his best shot, with other parts played by Waheed Alli, Peter Mandelson, Jenny Chapman, David Lammy, Rachel Reeves, Darren Jones, and so forth. But which ones, and why? Thanks to Alli, Starmer already has much of the costume. Bought for his wife, my foot.

There might also be a cameo in the Ali G film that should have been, if there had to be another one at all, catching up with the former Alistair Leslie Graham MP. Isla Fisher really must have taken Sacha Baron Cohen to the cleaners, since he will now do absolutely anything. At 54, older than Richard Wilson was when he first played Victor Meldrew, he is lampooning a youth subculture that has not existed in more than 20 years. Not unlike the Starmer Project, in fact. The new film’s critical and commercial failure will be a fitting tombstone on the grave of Starmerism, and Zack Polanski’s equally tasteless comedy act will deserve to lose the Holborn and St Pancras by-election by fewer votes than had been received by an authentically left-wing candidate who was therefore, and as much unlike Reform as unlike the Greens, sound on Ukraine, drugs, gender identity, and much else besides.

Tuesday, 1 September 2026

The Rot Was Built Into The Foundation

There were 17 Labour losses on Camden Council this year, including the Leader. They will be circling Keir Starmer’s seat like piranha. Meanwhile, Starmer will be looking forward to spending more time with his families. The media round today has been done by Jonathan Reynolds, who committed the specific criminal offence of pretending to be a solicitor. Thank heavens that he was not a black Professor at Cambridge. Reynolds went on to be the Chief Whip when the Parliamentary Labour Party brought down Starmer, after which he was reappointed to the position from which Starmer had sacked him, Secretary of State for Business, Innovation, Science and Trade and President of the Board of Trade. See also John Healey, whose resignation as Defence Secretary was key to the coup, and who has emerged from it as Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his stated reason for having vacated the Defence brief shelved indefinitely. The true believing Al Carns has not been made the Minister for anything. He really is new to this politics lark. Unlike his fellow combat veteran, which Healey is not any more than Starmer was, Paul Knaggs:

A baton, in a relay, passes smoothly from one runner’s hand to another while both are moving, still on the same track, still running the same race. That is the neat, reassuring image Sir Keir Starmer reached for when he told the Camden New Journal he was ready to “pass the baton to a successor” and step down as MP for Holborn and St Pancras after eleven years. It is a tidy, dignified metaphor. Set against the actual record of his tenure in Downing Street, a catastrophic experiment that ended not in a victory lap but in disgrace, public rejection, and record-low popularity, it is a grotesque rewriting of reality.

He chose to slip his exit line into the local pages of Camden rather than face the House of Commons. He lists his local achievements with practiced pride: breakfast clubs, free school meals extended to thousands of children, the two-child benefit cap lifted for 2,500 local families, a Renters’ Rights Act, an Employment Rights Act. These measures are not nothing, and a publication that speaks for the working class will not pretend otherwise. Free school meals are real meals for real children, regardless of who delivered them.

A political legacy is not a curated list handed to a local reporter on the way out the door. It is defined by the character of the government that produced it and the state of the country it leaves behind. Both tell a far darker story than “passing the baton” allows.

The rot was built into the foundation. Labour’s landslide in July 2024, winning 411 seats on just 33.7 per cent of the popular vote, was the thinnest, most illusory supermajority in British history. It was the lowest vote share ever recorded for a majority government since the modern franchise began in 1830. It rested not on a wave of popular hope, but on a collapsing Tory Party splitting its vote three ways. Crucially, Labour’s support fell to historic lows in England’s poorest constituencies, even as it gained in affluent suburbs. It was a mandate built on sand, an fragile electoral coalition managed by technocrats who believed they could govern without the burden of principles or transformative ambition.

That technocratic management collapsed the moment it met reality; it was founded on broken promises. Campaigning for the leadership in 2020, Starmer made ten explicit pledges, including public ownership of rail, energy, water, and Royal Mail. Every single one was scrapped. The 2024 manifesto promised no tax increases on working people; within months, Chancellor Rachel Reeves hiked employers’ National Insurance by £25 billion a year and froze tax thresholds, forcing workers to foot the bill.

For years, Labour promised to abolish the Conservatives’ cruel two-child benefit cap. Once in office, Starmer kept the cap, and when seven of his own Labour MPs voted to scrap it in July 2024, he suspended them from the party for six months. When the cap was finally lifted two years later under intense pressure, it was offered to Camden voters as a benevolent gift rather than what it truly was: a battle the government spent two years losing to its own backbenches.

Within weeks of taking office, the government stripped winter fuel payments from ten million pensioners, restoring them to nine million only after severe council election losses and a humiliating lost by-election proved the sheer cruelty of a policy estimated to push 100,000 elderly citizens into poverty.

Starmer's broken promises

While breaking faith with working-class support, the administration mounted an assault on civil liberties unmatched in modern times. In July 2025, ministers proscribed Palestine Action as a terrorist organisation, turning mere vocal support for a protest group into an offence punishable by up to fourteen years in prison. Police systematically arrested pensioners in their eighties and teenagers in Trafalgar Square and Parliament Square for holding placards: nearly 900 arrests on a single August weekend. They were protesting the continued licensing of arms to a state carrying out what millions recognise as a genocide in Gaza. Even after the High Court ruled the proscription unlawful in February 2026, the government appealed rather than accept the verdict. Simultaneously, ministers rammed through the Courts and Tribunals Bill, stripping defendants of the right to a jury trial for a vast array of offences, ignoring the desperate pleas of over 3,000 lawyers, solicitors, and retired judges.

Personal hypocrisy completed the ruin. In 2024, details emerged of Starmer and his inner circle accepting over £107,000 in lavish gifts, accommodation, and designer clothes from peer Waheed Alli. By 2026, records showed Starmer had racked up 39 foreign trips costing taxpayers £4.2 million in under two years, including a £60,000 overnight flight to Zurich for a football match, just months after promising to reign in official jet usage.

Then came the Mandelson affair. Starmer’s reckless decision to appoint Peter Mandelson as US Ambassador imploded amid appalling revelations regarding Mandelson’s ongoing ties to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. Police searches followed, senior party leaders called for Starmer’s resignation, and his chief of staff and communications director resigned in tandem. His approval ratings collapsed to minus 57, matching the record low set by Liz Truss during her ill-fated mini-budget. A prime minister who leaves office rivalling Liz Truss, having curbed jury trials, sent police after pensioners holding cardboard signs, and protected corporate arms flows, has not earned the right to call his departure a graceful handover.

The party machine tried desperately to manage the decline, but the electoral arithmetic caught up with them. When Andy Burnham sought to return to Westminster through the Gorton and Denton by-election, Labour’s National Executive Committee blocked him, with Starmer voting to bar him from standing. The result was an unprecedented disaster: Labour finished third in a seat it had held continuously since 1931. Panicked by the collapse, the same executive executed a cynical U-turn months later. On May 14, sitting MP Josh Simons, former head of the Labour Together think tank, resigned his Makerfield seat explicitly to clear a path for Burnham. Simons admitted the party was heading into a leadership contest with “no hope, no energy that anything would change.”

Burnham won the manufactured by-election, Starmer resigned four days later, and Burnham was installed in Downing Street by July. It was not a relay; it was an insider fix. Vacating safe seats to engineer a line of succession is an old and dirty parliamentary trick. When Harold Wilson tried it in Leyton in 1965 to force Patrick Gordon Walker back into Parliament, voters revolted and elected a Conservative instead. While Makerfield proved more compliant, the underlying insult to democracy remains identical: a governing party that cannot find a leader among its sitting MPs simply fabricates a vacancy and demands the electorate rubber-stamp its choice.

Now, Sir Keir abandons his constituents entirely, breaking a clear promise made just weeks ago to remain as MP for Holborn and St Pancras until the next general election. The moment his prime ministerial perks vanished, representing the working class of Camden lost its appeal. International consultancy, global defence forums, and the lucrative international circuit beckon.

Labour headquarters will try to manage the upcoming Holborn and St Pancras by-election with the same centralising arrogance, parachuting in another compliant manager. But the public has seen behind the curtain. They have watched a party block a candidate in January, beg him back in May, and execute a corporate takeover of the state while ignoring the voters who put them there.

A baton passed fairly leaves the team stronger and the runners in unison. Keir Starmer leaves his constituency a sudden by-election, leaves his party a leadership installed by backroom manipulation, and leaves the British public holding the bill for two years of authoritarian, corporate management masquerading as democracy. Sir Keir Starmer has passed the baton, but he has left the country holding the bill.

Starmer’s parting shot was to claim to have rescued the Labour Party from “moral and financial ruin”. But under Jeremy Corbyn it was in the black for the first time since the 1970s. It was under Starmer that, despite huge corporate and individual donations, Labour has returned to an overall deficit approaching four million pounds. That lie itself is a mark of its moral ruin under Starmer, but of course there have been very many more, from Lord Alli to Lord Mandelson.

Against The Deep State Saboteurs

It is easy to laugh at the deportation of Milo Yiannopoulos, and we should not let that stop us. But we, his former colleagues on Telegraph Blogs, should be doing something to help a brother in need. After all, at least two have since been raised to the peerage, while Tim Stanley is a Radio Four darling from Thought for the Day, to The Moral Maze, to this morning’s programme about Pat Buchanan. Buchanan was a cofounder of The American Conservative, which unlike the Telegraph has even paid for my copy, and in which Jason Jones writes:

I recently wrote about a new elite strategy of peppering us with anti-Arab, anti-Muslim propaganda ahead of the 2026 elections. Since then, we’ve also started to hear quite a lot about a sinister “red-green” coalition—red for communists, green for Islamists—threatening the very existence of our republic. The propagandists making this pitch employ astonishingly broad definitions: By “communists,” they mostly mean young people outraged that their economic future has been mortgaged away for endless wars; and by “Islamists,” they mean Muslims (or even just Middle Easterners, irrespective of religion).

It should be clear to all of us, of course, that this new “red-green” canard is not a native-grown, conservative defense of our constitutional order from outside enemies. On the contrary, it’s nothing less than an attempt by our ruling class to force our own coalition to dismantle itself—less than two years after we handily won the 2024 election. And rather than let them make us fear the neighbors who helped us defeat the War Party, conservatives and Christians should lock arms with those neighbors once again—yes, including Muslims and so-called “communists” (again, by that they really just mean justifiably angry young Americans)—and hold the line against the Deep State saboteurs whom the MAGA movement was established to defeat.

A centerpiece of the Trump campaign was opposition to war and the political manipulations that lead to it. The brinkmanship in Ukraine threatened to bring about a global thermonuclear exchange. Our establishment in DC had used our taxpayer dollars to fund some of the worst excesses of that war—while our diplomats worked to scuttle peace efforts and provoke Russia. The Biden administration had also made us all a party to the Gaza genocide, providing some of the resources and weapons used by Israel to kill tens of thousands of civilians. President Joe Biden himself even referred to Netanyahu's “legitimate argument” for war crimes after a 2023 chat with the Israeli leader.

As I wrote shortly before President Trump won his reelection bid, it was no surprise “that Arab Americans and Lebanese Americans are announcing they won’t vote for Harris, and the War Party that’s destroying so many Middle Eastern lives.” On the eve of the election, I warned that the whole character and credibility of Trump’s role in global events “hinged on his courageous opposition to senseless violence and war.”

The returns proved the point. Trump carried Dearborn, Michigan, where more than half the population is Middle Eastern or North African, with 42 percent of the vote to Kamala Harris’s 36 percent. CBS News summarized the result plainly: “Arab American voters helped Trump win Michigan.” An analysis by the Guardian found that Trump gained about 9,000 votes across Dearborn, Dearborn Heights, and Hamtramck, while Harris received 22,000 fewer votes there than Biden had four years before. The War Party lost its old claim on these Americans, Trump welcomed many of them into his coalition, and their revolt made a meaningful difference in the swing state that gave him 15 electoral votes. 

The 2024 election was thus a clear win for the growing majority of Americans who are morally outraged by our political elites’ love of war and total unconcern for human dignity. A victory, in fact, too good to be true. But who could foresee the degree of betrayal the second Trump administration would represent: abetment of the Gaza genocide, continued support for Israel’s explicit policy of ethnic cleansing (including of indigenous Christians) in Lebanon, and a whole new war in the Middle East that continues after six months and regularly threatens to snowball into a global conflict.

And now comes the distraction. We are told that the great danger before us is a “red-green” alliance between the radical Left and Islamism—and then, almost in the same breath, Islamism becomes Islam, Muslims become Arabs, and finally horror at the wholesale slaughter of Palestinians becomes opposition to Western civilization itself.

But many of the Lebanese and Arab Americans being smeared in this campaign are Christians whose families have endured the very Islamist movements that the propaganda hamfistedly suggests they represent simply because they have “foreign-sounding” last names or speak with accents. And many Muslim Americans are socially conservative parents who joined us precisely because they reject the ruling class’s assaults on the family. Whatever their religion, these are our American neighbors. In 2024, they stood beside Catholics, evangelicals, working-class Democrats, independents, and countless others to reject the War Party.

What we are watching is an inverse color revolution. Instead of depicting a foreign uprising as the spontaneous will of the people, the old elites paint our new democratic coalition in sinister colors until that coalition destroys itself. They paint anti-war voters red, their Muslim neighbors green, and tell Christians that civilization depends upon fearing them both—upon shattering the unity of a coalition that would otherwise threaten the ancien régime. Worst of all, thanks to the treachery of many in the Trump administration, all of this is presented as a seamless continuation of the MAGA movement. It is not. It is a jarring departure from that movement’s purpose. Such a grave departure that “Trump” has now become synonymous with senseless bloodshed and Epstein-style corruption, and “MAGA” has become synonymous with the neoconservative foreign policy of talking heads like Mark Levin.

The real war—the long war in which the original MAGA movement seemed to score a decisive victory in 2024—is far from over. The same enemy who turned MAGA into a tool of the old War Party now wants to make the betrayal permanent and consign the coalition that threatened it to the ash heap of history. If these propagandists can persuade Christians to fear Muslims as a class, peace voters that their former allies are authoritarian Marxists, and Middle Eastern Americans that MAGA never valued them, it can dismember our coalition without ever even having to honestly debate it.

But two years ago, we broke the artificial rules of engagement that the ruling classes have always used to keep the military-industrial complex untouched and running smoothly—and we won. We’d learned that they play hardball while telling us hardball isn’t allowed. That they’d fight dirty while insisting we keep our noses clean. But there’s one rule they particularly rely on whenever the American people meaningfully challenge them: we must remain preoccupied with trivial debates and petty divisions. In this way, we are unable to take a stand on the things that matter most—war and peace, future-destroying debt, and the slow erosion of our civil liberties and traditional values.

The 2024 MAGA movement was a historic coalition, and one that I was honored to be a part of. What made it great was its heart, its humaneness, and its humble neighborliness—all of which was manifested in a collective willingness, on the part of its members, to subordinate their own particular interests to those of the country, and to concern themselves with humanity as such. And nowhere was humanity threatened more unmistakably than in our foreign policy’s attacks on human dignity, especially in Palestine. By knitting ourselves together against that evil, we achieved a victory that baffled political strategists and prognosticators on both sides of the political aisle. Our candidate even won the popular vote—the first Republican to do so in two decades—and with it a historic mandate in favor of peace and against corruption.

As I write this, I have just returned from a journey through Southern Lebanon, where I drove with my team over roads torn apart by Israeli tanks and airstrikes, and where locals—Christian and Muslim alike—live in real danger and constant fear from both sides in the renewed Israeli-Hezbollah conflict. Israel’s defense minister, Israel Katz, explicitly said that their new Lebanon offensive—sparked by the disastrous Iran war—is explicitly modeled on their Gaza campaign. I can tell you firsthand that the consequences our foreign policy elites produce are real. Yes, we have been betrayed. But not by any of the members of our coalition. At least, not by any of those who engaged sincerely and diligently in this war for our future from the start. So rather than take our strategic advice from those who betrayed and disfigured our movement, I say we stick together. I say we stick together and win again.

As Jones wrote early last month:

Have you seen the ruling classes’ latest ploy for holding onto power rather than allow the public to hold them accountable through straightforward and honest elections? It’s clear as day to anyone with eyes to see. And the fact that the powerful now operate as much within the “MAGA” brand as in the Democratic establishment shouldn’t blind us. If we let it, then even some of the best of us will soon be taken in – becoming useful idiots for the same ruling classes that the MAGA movement was founded to oppose. 

I’m referring to the new game of stirring up hatred against our neighbors of Middle-Eastern and Eastern heritage and labeling all dissenters against U.S.- and Israeli-led wars and war crimes as “radicals” and “communists.” We see this new establishment ploy playing out in the latest anti-establishment electoral victory in Michigan, especially when it comes to the rhetoric surrounding Democratic Senate candidate Abdul El-Sayed – an outspoken critic of Israeli-U.S. foreign policy and of the military-industrial-complex Trumpism originally presented itself as being against.

GOP Senator Ted Cruz and maniacal pro-war Trump advisor Laura Loomer say El-Sayed’s primary victory represents the beginning of a “communist takeover of the Democratic Party” and (at the same time!) an “Islamic takeover of America” at large. GOP Rep. Nancy Mace flatly says El-Sayed is a “terrorist.” Conservative CNN commentator Scott Jennings: “This man wants Israelis, Arabs, Americans & anyone else who steps foot in Israel to die.” Mike Pompeo: El-Sayed is a “Hamas supporter” (in fact the candidate has condemned Hamas). Neocon John Podhoretz came up with a particularly telling conflation of Democratic Socialists of America and Muslims, calling El-Sayed a “DSA jihadist.” Meanwhile, President Donald Trump says El-Sayed is both a communist and a candidate who “hates Jews” and “hates Israel.” Trump also continually draws attention to the candidate’s name – clearly making the point that a person with such an un-American name (as if there were such a thing) has no business in office.

Trump is perhaps one of the more inadvertently honest of the public figures now serving as slavish lackeys of the ruling classes. At least he names Israel as the thing on behalf of which he opposes El-Sayed – though he also engages in the old false conflation of all Jews with Prime Minister Netanyahu’s corrupt and unpopular government. Because yes, all of this fomenting of hatred is about one thing: U.S.-Israeli violence and crimes – especially against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.

But here’s where those of us with eyes to see can find the whole point and the whole nature of this new ploy: Since that violence has proved to be morally indefensible (every poll shows the public’s moral outrage against Israel’s U.S.-funded genocide in Gaza and ethnic cleansing operation in the West Bank), the ruling classes have directed their servants – in the media, among advocacy groups, in Congress, and even in the White House – to instead simply stir up public hate and fear against Muslims as Jihadists and against political resistance as communist and inherently un-American.

As With All True Top-Down Ops, This Ploy is ‘Bipartisan’

One of the surest signs we’re looking at a top-down, artificial propaganda effort to defend the pro-war uniparty or the Deep State is the fact that Establishment Democrats are just as vehemently onboard with the op as the so-called “MAGA” commentators are. Corporate news anchors are suggesting El-Sayed is a threat to “the future of the state of Israel” in interviews with his defeated opponent, self-described “Zionist Democrat” Haley Stevens. The Democratic establishment strenuously opposed him in the primary. There’s even a pro-Israel astroturfed “Democrats for Mike Rogers” campaign set up to defeat him in the general.

We saw similar Democratic behavior in the recent election of anti-war Democratic New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani. It may not come as a tremendous surprise that he’s been openly attacked by MAGA talking heads in ways that would be unthinkable if applied to Italians, Irishmen, or Jews. And even the open references to his “Jihadism” and baseless warnings that he harbors a genocidal hatred of Jews and poses a threat to Western civilization wouldn’t be so troubling if they weren’t so grotesquely tied to the superficial aspects of his ethnicity and religion. Photos still go viral among MAGA influencers of Mamdani wearing a traditional kurta along with comments suggesting the mere sight of something suggesting ethnic difference is inherently threatening to our nation.

But in his race against Mamdani, Democrat Andrew Cuomo showed Mamdani in an ad eating rice with his hand, Indian-fashion, with an AI-generated supporter shouting “globalize the intifada” while setting fire to an American flag – a Palestinian flag flying proudly in the background. As their behavior in both New York and Michigan show, establishment Democrats are capable of being just as openly bigoted when it comes to defending the interests of their masters.

The Good News: Inshallah, It Won’t Work

No serious person could mistake me for a socialist. I disagree with the economics of El-Sayed and Mamdani as much as any other conservative, and as a Roman Catholic I certainly don’t share their Muslim faith. But their policies, their religion, and their criticism of Israel does not make them “un-American” – let alone “terrorists.” In fact, it’s suggestions like that that come closer to an attack on the true American way of life, which is characterized by honest public engagement with fellow citizens, by forthright debate, and by love of neighbor. 

When I look into the immediate political future, a phrase comes to mind that I have become familiar with in my visits to the Holy Land and surrounding regions: Inshallah – a brief prayer meaning simply “God-willing” or “if God wills it.” As my friend and Vulnerable People Project colleague Khalil Sayegh can attest as a Christian from Gaza, both Muslims and Christians – and in fact even atheists – throughout the Arab-speaking world utter this phrase regularly. It’s not only harmless, but it’s pious – and its pervasiveness is the mark of a culture in which piety is still deeply engrained, and we hope it one day will be again in American public discourse. But – you guessed it – saying this prayer is one of the many things that could get you labeled an enemy of your own nation if we allow ourselves to be manipulated into operating by the rules of the ruling classes’ ploy.

But for now, the future looks far from hopeless. El-Sayed just defeated Haley Stevens in the Michigan Democratic Senate primary this week. That’s despite the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) spending a record-breaking $30,000,000 to boost his Democratic establishment opponent, Haley Stevens. (A huge majority of Jewish voters, by the way, oppose AIPAC spending money raised predominantly on the right to influence Democratic primaries – so this top-down effort to tip a free election is a scandal in itself.)

Why did El-Sayed succeed? Because his supporters backed him in large part for his unbending opposition to the violent elite that we all, whatever our political background, increasingly want to throw off. And they saw through the ploy that calls all dissenters either “Jihadists” or “communists.” And I mean all dissenters – even those whose main complaints are just the domestic outcomes of those military blunders. Do you have a problem with gas and grocery prices spiking due to the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran? Then the propagandists for the ruling classes will likely label you an Islamist or a communist (they use the two, nonsensically, almost interchangeably).

So if we take seriously our moral duty to oppose the bloodshed our ruling classes have forced us into complicity with by our taxpayer dollars, then we will not be taken in. We will stand in solidarity with the vulnerable – the victims of our past failures to hold warmongers accountable at the ballot box and in the court of public opinion. And the ruling classes’ ploy won’t work on us this time. Inshallah!

And as Sohrab Ahmari writes:

Can the Trumpian GOP and its media allies save the midterms — and perhaps the 2028 presidential election — by leaning hard into post-9/11-style themes about Muslim infiltration and the menace of “Shariah law”? The answer is, likely, no. But that isn’t stopping them from trying against Abdul El-Sayed — popularly known as AES — the Democratic nominee in the crucial Michigan Senate race.  The reason: Republicans don’t have much else to run on, what with persistent inflation, a new Middle East quagmire, an ill-conceived tariff regime that hits Michigan extra-hard, and a dullard of an ex-congressman as the GOP contender — Mike Rogers.

The latest anti-AES hit came via the newly Trumpified CBS News, which on Monday ran the following bit of commentary, masquerading as news: “As the nation prepares to mark 25 years since Sept. 11, 2001, Abdul El-Sayed, the Democratic nominee for US Senate in Michigan, may be facing the risk of renewed scrutiny.” (Commentary-as-news because it was the sort of “news” item in which the outlet itself gins up the very controversy it claims to cover.)

El-Sayed was 16 when the 9/11 terror attacks took place, and as many pointed out on social media, it seemed his half-Egyptian background and Muslim faith were the only real peg on which to hang the insinuation that the former public-health official is a certified Bad Guy. The CBS piece did dredge up old tweets in which El-Sayed called for a response to Covid that would be “commensurate with the nation’s post-9/11 mobilization”.

That was it, really. As Eric Levitz of Vox pointed out, the notion that America could’ve done more domestically instead of prosecuting two decades’ worth of fruitless post-9/11 wars used to be axiomatic among the MAGA faithful. President Trump himself put it this way back in 2015: “We’ve spent $4 trillion trying to topple various people. If we could’ve spent that $4 trillion in the United States to fix our roads, our bridges and all of the other problems — our airports and all of the other problems we’ve had— we would’ve been a lot better off.”

Trump echoed such messages in 2020 and again in 2024. And that’s what drew a growing share of young voters — including blacks, Hispanics, and Muslim Americans — to his campaigns. But this time around, Trump allowed himself to be manoeuvred by Benjamin Netanyahu and his American spokesmen into a massively unpopular war. He can no longer credibly run as a leader committed to foreign restraint and domestic reconsolidation, so he repeatedly mispronounces AES’s name to underscore the sheer foreign scariness of the high-school athletic all-star with the white grandparents.

Rogers, the Republican nominee, has joined in too, describing Egypt as El-Sayed’s home and the true source of his attachment. El-Sayed was born in the United States, and for what it’s worth, when I interviewed him for UnHerd, he identified Egypt as one of the countries to which he would cut US foreign aid. Unfortunately for Rogers, he lacks the ideological flexibility and rhetorical acuity needed to distance himself from the Iran war and other Trump II excesses the way other Republicans like, say, Susan Collins of Maine, can.

Rogers has always been a down-the-line hawkish party loyalist, leaving him without a message as El-Sayed pulls ahead in Michigan polls and on betting markets by running on Medicare for All. This is the real tragedy of the GOP’s El-Sayed desperation act: the party has been forced to trade a young, multiracial populist coalition for tired messaging fit only for an ageing audience.

Hashim Thaçi is somehow both a Wahhabi and a Maoist, so that he really is what the Tea Party imagined Barack Obama to be and what MAGA imagines Abdul El-Sayed to be. Thaçi’s Kosovo Liberation Army was also NATO’s and the EU’s instrument for the creation of the world’s highest per capita source of IS jihadis, a major entry point into Europe for trafficked women and for the heroin that bankrolled the Taliban’s Afghanistan, and the key to the backstories of numerous unlicensed firearms on the streets of the United Kingdom.

Since the two biggest domestic threats come from Islamism and the Far Right, then one trusts that Prevent would take a dim view of “The first and most important lesson from the Quran is the impossibility of any connection between Islamic and non-Islamic systems” or of “I would never allow a Serb, a Jew or a Gypsy to marry into my family”.

Although it is in Bosnia and Herzegovina that it is constitutionally impossible for a Jew or a Gypsy to become President or a Senator, it was the first that was uttered by the man responsible, Alija Izetbegović, whose work as a recruitment sergeant for the Waffen SS Handschar Division led to his 1946 imprisonment for eight years, during which he became a Wahhabi rabble-rouser for an Islamically pure Bosnia-Herzegovina, leading to his reincarceration for 14 years in 1983, although he was released under foreign pressure in 1988.

The second, meanwhile, issued from the lips of Franjo Tuđman, who denied the Holocaust in which Izetbegović had participated, who recreated in the 1990s the full panoply of 1940s Fascism on the borders of Italy and Austria, whose removal of the constitutional recognition of the Serbs as one of Croatia’s two founding peoples led to the largest ethnic cleansing in the breakup of Yugoslavia, and whose statue stands in the capital of a NATO and EU member state.

As in most wars, there was no good side in those by which Yugoslavia was carved up into morsels digestible by global capital. The death of Ratko Mladić has freed up a space for at least one of the four of Britain’s nine living former Prime Ministers whose cases to be there were unanswerable: the one who said that Israel had the right to cut off power and water to more than one million children in Gaza, and who furnished it with arms and intelligence accordingly; the one who in March 2022 scuppered a peace deal in Ukraine in return for one million pounds from the same Christopher Harborne who supplied Ukraine with drones even as he supplied the United States military with jet fuel refined from Russian and Iranian oil, and who famously also gave five million pounds to Nigel Farage; the one who brought back slave markets to Libya; and the Iraq one, enough said.

Monday, 31 August 2026

It’s About Respect

Not only by the Prime Minister, refusing to dress the part is making it about yourself. Oddly without mentioning Gordon Brown’s humblebragging business suits to black tie and white tie functions in the City (though not to Buckingham Palace, and would he have done that to a University of Glasgow event?), Cristo Foufas writes:

‘You never get a second chance to make a first impression.’
‘Better to be overdressed than under.’
‘Clothes maketh the man.’

These phrases often cross my mind when putting an outfit together, probably because I heard them so often from my mother. She, like me, believes that clothes matter. Making an effort with your outfit, showing you’ve given some thought to what you’re wearing, how you’ve put it together, what matches, and what doesn’t, shows a level of respect for a situation. And, more importantly, for yourself.

I do wish some of these well-worn phrases would cross the mind of our scruff-in-chief, Andy Burnham. Not only are some of the prime minister’s clothing choices frankly hideous, what’s worse is that it appears to be a deliberate decision. A decision so important that he chose to announce it days before he was due to become prime minister. Far from discussing the myriad of problems Britain faces, Burnham chose to share with the nation that he plans on ditching his suit and tie for the vast majority of his work.

Burnham’s recent arrival in Ukraine showed that his lax dress code has gone too far. Earlier this week, His Majesty’s prime minister disembarked the train in Kyiv wearing a zip-up polo shirt better suited to a night in Wetherspoons than his first introduction to a nation – and an ally – at war. He may have been travelling, but would it have killed him to stick on a shirt and a smart jacket?

Maybe I’ve been radicalised. I often used to broadcast in a smart suit jacket with a shirt and pocket square, without a tie, thinking this was sufficient. But the combination of a partner who refuses to put the bins out without his hair being styled, and a TV colleague who once took me aside and asked why I don’t wear a tie on air, made me realise I was demeaning my job. And, more importantly, myself.

So I now broadcast in a tie. Every time. Why? Because sartorial standards matter. They matter for those on TV. They matter for those in important jobs. And they certainly matter for the man who has one of, if not the, most important jobs in the country. Does Burnham think he’s cool not to think this way? Does he believe it’ll make him more ‘down’ with the ‘yoof’ vote? Labour believes 16-year-olds deserve the right to vote, so maybe it makes sense that their leader dresses like one?

Burnham isn’t alone in his poor style. Who can forget the hideous sight of Tony Blair in high-waisted jeans in a ‘casual’ meeting with former US president George W Bush? Or the worst-dressed prime minister – in fact, the worst-dressed man in history – Boris Johnson? In a stained and ill-fitting suit, un-ironed shirt, unkempt hair, Boris often resembled having been dragged through a hedge backwards, forwards and then being beaten by it.

When did our leaders lose their sense of style? Remember Margaret Thatcher? She used to have Marks & Spencer open early to buy her power suits. The only time you ever saw her in anything other than a coordinated shirt and jacket with matching court shoes was when she was in the back of a tank. Which is exactly how it should be. In your wildest imagination, could you picture her meeting a foreign dignitary in a t-shirt? She’d beat you with her matching handbag at the mere suggestion, and she’d be right to do so.

Even Keir Starmer made the effort with a suit and tie. Okay, it was Lord Alli who appears to have both chosen and purchased them, but at least Starmer’s clothing was more successful than his tenure as prime minister. Burnham actually looks quite good in a suit, when he bothers. Can he not just bother a little more often? Because I do judge people by how they dress. Not by the cost of their clothes – a wardrobe doesn’t need to be expensive to be suitable. I judge the effort made, against the occasion that requires it.

And I expect to be similarly judged. I want people to know I’ve put some thought into it. Yes, it’s a hassle to have an ironed shirt every day. To think whether my jacket and tie work together, or whether my pocket square is the right colour (I’m a fan of a slightly clashing pocket square). The shoes also have to work. Even the socks.

It’s about respect. As prime minister, you’re literally making decisions about people’s livelihoods, about their taxes, their social care, their health care, wars, infrastructure, the economy. You’re meeting other world leaders. You’re leading a huge team, many of whom look up to you. Doing so in casual sportswear just doesn’t cut it. It shows a lack of respect for the people around you. More importantly, it shows a lack of respect for the office you hold.

And that’s much more important than any spin or focus group that might say younger voters don’t care about how you dress. Our prime minister should be showing younger voters why it matters, and why standards are important. Andy Burnham is often accused of having much more style over substance. When it comes to his clothing choices, I really wish he did.

The Radical History of Bank Holidays

Paul Knaggs writes:

As you lie in bed this Monday, savouring that delicious sense of liberation - no alarm, no commute, no boss peering over your shoulder - spare a thought for the long and surprisingly radical history behind your bonus day of rest. Bank holidays, like so many things the working class now consider basic, were not handed down by generous bosses or benevolent rulers. They were carved out over centuries, by custom, by defiance, and by collective action. Behind every leisurely Monday morning lie the fingerprints of resistance and reform.

It’s a Bankers Holiday 

The term bank holiday tells you plenty about who it was originally for. The modern version dates back to 1871, when Sir John Lubbock, a banker, Liberal MP, and noted Victorian eccentric, introduced the Bank Holidays Act. Lubbock, a man who once tried to teach his dog to read (it failed), proposed four official holidays for England, Wales, and Northern Ireland, and five for Scotland.

These were: Easter Monday, Whit Monday, the first Monday in August, and Boxing Day. Scotland got an extra nod with New Year’s Day and the first Monday in May. Good Friday and Christmas were already widely observed. But let’s not kid ourselves. The motivation was to protect banks and financial institutions from liability if they shut their doors on these days. Before the Act, some bankers genuinely feared they might be sued for closing. The holidays weren’t about worker welfare; they were about shielding capital from risk. 

From Thirty Holy Days to Four Miserable Ones 

Ironically, pre-industrial Britain was far more generous with time off. The Bank of England and other public offices once closed for over 30 religious festivals and saints’ days each year. But in 1834, in a fit of puritanical efficiency, the state slashed them to just four: Good Friday, May 1st, November 1st, and Christmas Day. This wasn’t about streamlining, this was about control. As industrial capitalism tightened its grip, time itself became a commodity. Time off was reframed as laziness. Leisure became a luxury. Workers, once governed by the seasons and the church calendar, were now ruled by the clock and the factory bell. 

The People’s Calendar of Rest 

But working folk didn’t simply accept this theft of time. They created their own rhythm of rest. After the Industrial Revolution, communities developed “wakes weeks,” town fairs, and seasonal shutdown periods when entire areas would down tools, not because Parliament said so, but because people insisted on living. These local holidays weren’t gifts from employers. They were de facto strikes in all but name. In many towns, factory owners had no choice but to formalise these breaks or face mass absenteeism. It was custom turned into pressure, and pressure into precedent. In northern mill towns, the “factory fortnight” became part of the social DNA. These were not banker’s holidays. These were the people’s holidays.

When the Unions Took Up the Cause

The next big leap in holiday rights came, predictably, not from employers or politicians, but from the trade unions. In the 1970s, the Trades Union Congress (TUC) pushed back against Britain’s meagre holiday allowance, which lagged behind much of Europe. At the time, England and Wales had only six public holidays. Scotland had five. Northern Ireland had eight. The TUC’s campaign won two additional bank holidays across the UK and an extra one for Scotland. In an era of strikes and sit-ins, this victory was a rare moment of broad public benefit, a clear win for organised labour and proof that when workers stand together, they can reshape the national calendar. 

The Political Timeline of Time Off

Each addition to the bank holiday calendar reflects pressure from below:

1971 – Whit Monday (a moveable feast) is replaced by a fixed Spring Bank Holiday;
the August holiday shifts to the last Monday of the month;
1973 – Scotland adds January 2nd, reflecting its heroic dedication to New Year hangovers;
1974 – New Year’s Day becomes a bank holiday in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland; Scotland formalises Boxing Day;
1978 – May Day, the first Monday in May, is declared a national holiday, its roots tied to the international labour movement.

None of these changes came unprompted. They were fought for. They were won.

Still Not a Holiday for Everyone

Even now, bank holidays aren’t evenly shared. Around a third of full-time workers still work at least one public holiday a year. Among 16–19-year-olds, that figure rises sharply. In sectors like agriculture, fishing, retail, hospitality, and care - the backbone of Britain’s economy - many still don’t get the day off. Some work it without extra pay. It’s the same old class story: the more essential the work, the less valued the worker.

I Work to Live, I Don’t Live to Work 

Bank holidays are stitched into Britain’s cultural fabric. But they’re also political. They remind us that rest has never been a gift from above; it’s been won. Fought for. Wrestled from a system that would keep us working every day if it could. 

What the Law Actually Says 

Paid holiday rights are governed by the Working Time Regulations 1998 (WTR), which stem from the European Working Time Directive. The law guarantees workers at least 5.6 weeks of paid leave a year; that’s 28 days for most full-time employees. But here’s the kicker: Although those 28 days include the equivalent of eight public holidays, there’s no legal requirement to take them on those actual days. In other words, your boss doesn’t have to give you bank holidays off unless it’s spelt out in your contract. As Acas puts it plainly: “Your employer does not have to give you time off on a bank or public holiday or at Christmas if they’re not included in your holiday entitlement.”

The Small Print and Sector Rules 

There are exceptions. In retail, most large shops must close on Easter Sunday and Christmas Day, though small convenience stores can stay open. Employers must also avoid discrimination when it comes to holiday allocation. That means:

Maternity leave: Workers continue to accrue bank holiday entitlement during leave.
Part-time workers: If full-time staff get bank holidays off, part-timers should get a pro-rata equivalent, even if they don’t usually work Mondays (when most bank holidays fall).

Anything less could breach the Part-Time Workers Regulations 2000.

What’s in Your Contract Matters 

Whether you’re entitled to public holidays off depends on your contract or what your union has negotiated. Some employers give annual leave plus public holidays. Others roll them all into one number, “28 days including bank holidays”, which means you may need to book public holidays off yourself. In the NHS, under Agenda for Change, full-time staff get 27 days’ leave plus eight public holidays, rising to 29 plus eight after five years, and 33 plus eight after 10. In 2022, for the Queen’s Platinum Jubilee, pay for working the extra bank holiday was left to “local determination”. Part-time NHS staff were still entitled to at least a pro-rata share of the day off, rounded up.

Some workplaces plan ahead, letting workers book public holidays as leave. In one transport firm, a collective agreement promised to “transform” bank holiday working by giving staff notice and prioritising volunteers. But not all employers are so considerate. Back in 2019, ASDA workers protested new “flexible” contracts that scrapped extra pay for most bank holidays and made working them compulsory, except for Christmas, Boxing Day, and New Year’s Day. GMB union official Gary Carter described it as an “any time, any place, anywhere” culture.

What If You Have to Work?

Many employers offer compensation, either in extra pay or time off in lieu, when staff work on a public holiday. The TUC argues this should be a legal right, but for now, it still depends on what’s in your contract. Under Agenda for Change, NHS staff working or on-call on a bank holiday get time off in lieu at normal pay, plus payment for the duties they carried out. The Labour Research Department’s Payline database shows examples of staff getting “double time” or more. And where premium pay is set as a flat cash amount, it should rise alongside your annual wage.

The Bigger Picture 

So, as you enjoy your lie-in, raise a mug, not just to the break itself, but to the workers who made it possible. Because in Britain’s long class struggle, nothing has ever been handed to the common folk. Every right, every protection, every moment of rest- we had to fight for it. And in today’s always-on world, where emails follow you home and “flexibility” often means working round the clock, it might be time to fight for more. Because here’s the truth: time is the one thing your boss can’t give back once it’s been taken. Across Europe, they get more. Italy?12 public holidays. Slovakia? 15. The UK? Just eight. So why not 10? Why not 12? The battle for time off isn’t over. It never was.

The Only Rational Strategy


John Ratcliffe, the CIA director, surely did not secretly fly all the way to Moscow last week merely to warn the Russians not to attack a Nato country. There is clearly more to it than has been reported. It has always been the official policy of Nato to defend itself when attacked, and so this alone wouldn’t justify Ratcliffe’s visit. I can only assume that the circumstances behind this meeting are darker, more serious and more complex than we can possibly know.

Based on the information we have, the most plausible explanation for the visit is that Ratcliffe and his Russian counterparts were discussing de-escalation. If Russia’s war against Ukraine were to turn into a broader European war, it would pose a vast security risk to the entire world.

What the US and Russia have in common is that they are both already fighting wars. Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump clearly do not wish to go to war with each other. There are reports that Putin may be planning a large autumn offensive in Ukraine. Russian troops are currently making slow but steady progress towards the Donbas cities of Kramatorsk and Sloviansk. It is quite plausible that Putin could step up this war — but for this he would need to recruit more troops and intensify his attacks on Ukrainian infrastructure. Some Western security officials are convinced that once Putin is done with Ukraine, he will try to test Nato’s cohesion.

I struggle to see what purpose this could possibly serve. If he really wanted to test Nato’s resolve, by far the best way would be to escalate the hybrid warfare that is already going on. One of the more serious recent incidents was a military drone flying into the wing of a parked Ukrainian cargo aircraft at Leipzig airport in early August. Attached to the drone was 600g of Semtex explosives, which did not detonate because of a malfunction. At the time there were several drone sightings in Germany. However, military leaders tend to underestimate hybrid warfare, even though it can easily morph into a conventional war.

Another escalation scenario is disagreement on what constitutes legitimate European support for Ukraine. International diplomacy has its rules on this that everybody including the Russians pretend to accept: if you support a party in a war financially, or with defensive weapons, you are not deemed to be participating in the war. If you take part in manoeuvres, you are considered a party of the war. The supply of offensive weapons falls into a grey zone. Nato has gone to great lengths to steer clear of that zone. The Western European countries that support Ukraine also made it clear that they did not wish to participate in the war.

But beware of the grey zones. The issue is not who is right and who is wrong. Wars are not settled by fact-checkers in broadcasting companies. The issue is disagreement itself.

Another grey-zone matter is the raids by Western countries of Russian ships or vessels that transport goods from Russia. The same goes for the supply of British drones for Ukrainian attacks inside Russia. Russia has responded with outrage to Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s decision to provide Ukraine with technical blueprints that would enable Ukraine to manufacture the Franco-British Storm Shadow cruise missiles. This prompted Putin’s spokesman to declare Britain to be a participant in the war. This is how escalation starts.

There is an awful lot of stuff going on that could blow up in our faces. The US economist Branko Milanović wrote an essay last week in which he described a very plausible escalation scenario. He writes the thirst for war is palpable in the Nordic and Baltic countries and is also growing in the UK and Germany. “The role of small countries—that through their geopolitical irresponsibility can wreck great damage to the world—tends to pass under the radar,” he writes. “The Nordic-Baltic coalition is essentially calling for a war with Russia, citing its own fears and traumas of Russian/Soviet control and occupation.”

I agree with his assessment. If I listen to assorted Finnish and Baltic politicians, it feels to me like 1914, the year when Germany started the First World War in a mood of euphoria. The person who sets the tone in European foreign policy right now is Kaja Kallas, a former Estonian prime minister who is now the EU’s high representative for foreign and security policy. I see her as the European warmonger-in-chief.

The job of diplomacy is to find solutions to problems. This is a tough job. You keep your diplomatic back channels open and talk to the enemy. But the EU has cut off all diplomatic channels with Russia. EU countries have their ambassadors in Moscow, and they all reiterate the official lines they are given.

The US, meanwhile, has maintained diplomatic relationships with Russia. The Ratcliffe-Russia meeting makes it clear that these exist at several levels, including that of intelligence chiefs. The officials in charge of nuclear policy also talk to each other. Henry Kissinger maintained a strong diplomatic back channel with the Soviet ambassador to the US during the Nixon administration.

The reason why a war with Russia is so dangerous is the presence of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. Russia has an estimated total inventory of over 5,400 nuclear warheads. France has 290 and Britain has 225. Given the vast size of Russia, the French nuclear arsenal could make 0.1% of the Russian territory uninhabitable. The Russian nuclear arsenal could completely destroy all of Western Europe, and still have a lot of missiles left. This is not a war Europe can win.

If Putin were to launch an unprovoked attack on a Nato country, the picture would be different. This would draw in the Americans. I assume that Ratcliffe would have taken the opportunity to clarify the US position and possibly contradict statements from some administration officials that Europe is now in charge of its own security and that the US would not directly intervene in case of a war.

The big European countries, meanwhile, are following the lead of the war-mongering minions because they have no plan B. If the war in Ukraine were to end, they would have to provide security guarantees. They would have to integrate Ukraine into the EU at an enormous cost. Only last week, Germany and five other EU countries announced that they would cut the EU budget by several hundred billion euros. This is Germany not putting its money where its mouth is.

Rhetorical escalation often precedes physical escalation, often triggered by a particular event — like the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in 1914. One such foreseeable event would be the seizure of Russian assets held in Europe, which amount to around €200 billion. People have gone to war over much less.

The Europeans already tried to seize the money at an EU summit last December. They failed. Most of the money lies at Euroclear, a large bank depository and clearing house in Brussels. If the EU had seized it, Belgium would have been legally liable in the case of litigation in foreign courts. Belgium is a very small country with a very large bank — a bad combination. Back in December, Bart De Wever, Belgium’s prime minister, demanded robust risk-sharing guarantees by the other EU members. They refused because they did not want to put themselves at risk of another financial crisis.

But if the EU is good at one thing, it is coming up with technical solutions to complex problems. They could attempt to develop a hideously complex financial instrument, similar to the subprime loans that gave rise to the global financial crisis 20 years ago. There is only ever one purpose behind such financial instruments — to hide risk, and lure naive investors into making unwise decisions. The same logic applies here. National parliaments would have to sign up to any risk-sharing deal, but they might be fooled into thinking that the risk is well controlled.

I have no idea how likely such a scenario is. All I am saying is that the sequestration of Russian assets is once again under discussion. If it were to happen, I would attach a high probability that it would trigger a dramatic Russian response.

It is, of course, entirely possible that Ratcliffe and his Russian counterparts spoke about something entirely different: Iran. But Russian support for Iran is not the critical factor in the Gulf War right now. Trump has clearly found himself in a predicament in Iran. He cannot afford another conflict. Therefore, an attempt to de-escalate tensions with Moscow seems like the most plausible explanation of the Ratcliffe-Russia meeting. A war is in nobody’s interest, least of all Europe’s. European countries are simply not prepared; de-escalation is the only rational strategy.

The problem is that escalation is not by definition a rational thing. The fact that something is in nobody’s interest does not mean that it is not going to happen. History is littered with examples of irrational wars and, lest we forget, the biggest ones were mostly Europeans.

Send In The Women's Auxiliary Balloon Corps?

Tom Tugendhat? How many people must have turned down Shadow Foreign Secretary, that poor Kemi Badenoch has had to settle for him? What do his fans find attractive about this Saudi shill, anyway? They do not normally go for German names, for dual British and French nationals, for French wives, for French mothers, for family ties to the heart of the French legal and diplomatic elites, for British uncles who were First Vice-Presidents of the European Commission, or for votes in favour of Theresa May's Withdrawal Agreement on all three occasions.

As for Tugendhat's military record in Afghanistan, which supposedly entitles him to demand fighting to the last drop of other people's blood, he was officially deployed as a TA schoolie before being openly acknowledged as a spook 13 days later. When he was "helping to set up the National Security Council of Afghanistan and the government in Helmand Province", then he was classified as a civilian. All in all, he has the strong whiff of Captain Darling in Blackadder Goes Fourth.