Sunday, 11 October 2026

Inadmissible

Even and at least in principle, the Church has only ever admitted the possibility of capital punishment when there was absolutely no other way of protecting public safety. No criminologist in the world would still say that that was ever the case, so the death penalty is, to use the Pope's carefully chosen theological word, inadmissible.

As for public execution, that certainly happens in Iran and in the Afghanistan on which we wasted 20 years of blood and treasure. We are as sure as we can be that it happens in North Korea. The Government that we are bombing the Houthis to shore up has a penchant for the practice in Yemen. And the so-called Islamic State to which we have handed over Syria has always been an enthusiastic uploader of its numerous and often choreographed decapitations.

But beheading in the public square would appear to have been discontinued of late in Saudi Arabia. Therefore, while Donald Trump is turning the United States into another country corruptly and brutally ruled from gaudy palaces by a single family and its hangers-on, when he and Pete Hegseth wheel out the paraplegic Dr Nidal Hasan in front of both a firing squad and a webcam, then they will deserve, though not receive, the opprobrium even of the House of Saud.

Not So Bright Horizons

Reform UK’s flagship Durham County Council has won a national award for Equality, Diversity and Inclusion. If that’s not funny, I’m Suella Braverman. But there are rather fewer laughs to be had over at the Labour citadel of Camden Council, which cleared a man who was now serving 18 years for 56 sexual offences against children, and the Leader of which has just become the MP for Holborn and St Pancras.

Sagal Abdi-Wali has made great play of her record of volunteering, but no one has been able to find any charity in which she had ever been actively involved, and now her line is that she had been talking about her childhood, when her mother had taken her along to “all kinds of events and get-togethers”. Yes, Zack Polanski lied about having been a spokesperson for the British Red Cross. But he is not an MP.

Saturday, 10 October 2026

Look Forward To The Approaching Day


The panic flight of the US Air Force from Fairford has ended an awkward partnership begun when we were bankrupt and alone in 1940. We and America just don't need each other in that way any more. Mr Trump's USA – America First and America Alone – is happy to go its own way in its aggressive adventures. Good. When Donald Trump opened his assault on Iran, the world was full of supposedly 'Right-wing' commentators, urging him on and denouncing the evils of the Islamic Republic. How silly they all look now. The usual propaganda was deployed. Iran was a brutal tyranny and we were spreading freedom and democracy.

We didn't succeed in this of course, as anyone at all well-informed could have told Mr Trump. And the fact that the 'West' is allied with more than one such despotism, and does not care, was avoided or ignored. Quite honestly how anyone can be in alliance with Saudi Arabia and Turkey (as we are) and think he is serving the causes of democracy, law and freedom, I do not know. They are at least as nasty as Iran and Russia. Sir Keir Starmer, then our Premier, was excoriated by those militant voices for being cautious about allowing the USAF base in Fairford to be used in this war. Alas, he quickly gave in and pretended that the giant bombers based there were engaged in 'defensive' operations as they unloaded high explosive on Iranian targets. This fell into the class of things of which it can be said 'if you can believe that, you can believe anything'.

So now where are we? Iran is not defeated. It has hit America hard in its Gulf bases, destroying crucial, highly costly and irreplaceable US military equipment and facilities. It has survived questionable murders of its own leadership. Is murder too hard a word? I do not think so. Among the dead were wholly innocent relatives of the assassinated leaders. Let us call things by their proper names – for we would surely do so if Iran did the same to our side. Every so often, President Trump stirs himself into a new rage and threatens to wipe Iran from the map. So far, he has not done so but I do not think any of us can be quite sure that he will not try. No more terrifying figure has ever held the presidency of the USA. 

But this season of folly has finally ripped up the fiction that was the 'special relationship' between us and the USA. Anyone who still believes in this great gloopy tripe sandwich only needs to remember Mr Trump's recent crass call for a united Ireland. Americans would turn and rend us if we did the same sort of thing to them – say, supporting Mexican demands for the return of the lands Uncle Sam violently seized from them in 1848. So there is no need for any more fake smiles and awkward meetings. American public figures are increasingly willing to be as rude and dismissive about this country in public as they have long been in private. And Donald Trump's USA no longer needs to carry what is left of our armed forces in its baggage, to pretend that it has allies.

I am not sorry. This country will never again be the great power it was in 1914, or even in 1939. But we can be an important and influential nation again, once we struggle free of the obsolete American alliance. The sudden disappearance of US bombers from Fairford shows that they never really needed it to bomb Iran. Modern in-flight refuelling made it unnecessary years ago. Their desire to implicate us in the increasingly disastrous Iran war was the only reason for using Fairford this time. Now they don't even want to do that any more. Good. Breathe a sigh of relief and look forward to the approaching day when we finally declare independence from the USA.

The Thiefdom

Paul Knaggs writes:

Football is a game of two halves. One is played on the pitch. The beautiful game. The poetry of motion, the roar of the crowd, the working man’s game transformed into a billion-pound spectacle. The other half is played behind closed doors, where the paperwork lives. No cameras. No commentary. Just men in suits, long leaseholds, offshore companies and signatures that move millions from public funds into private property empires. It is this second half we need to examine. 

The Manchester City scandal has exposed what an independent Premier League commission described as years of financial deception: sham sponsorship contracts, sponsorship money the commission found had come in part from the club’s own owners rather than the sponsors, and misleading accounts stretching across nine seasons. The club disputes the findings and has appealed. But follow the money beyond the Etihad and another story begins. It leads to a mayor’s office, a public housing fund, and the streets of east Manchester. 

Because Sheikh Mansour’s Abu Dhabi United Group did not stop at buying Manchester City in 2008. Its investments extended into Manchester’s land, its housing, its regeneration. And according to The Telegraph’s investigation published on 8 October, three property companies ultimately controlled by the billionaire Gulf royal received around £55.7 million in taxpayer-backed loans from a public fund intended to tackle Greater Manchester’s housing shortage. New Little Mill Developments, Vesta Street Developments and Lampwick Developments: all registered in Jersey, all part of the Manchester Life partnership between Manchester City Council and ADUG. Lampwick alone took £24.5 million.

The approvals came at two Greater Manchester Combined Authority meetings in 2017, both chaired by Andy Burnham. The homes were built. The loans were repaid with interest. The paperwork went through the proper channels. And when academic researchers examined the Manchester Life developments, they found 1,468 homes delivered without a single affordable home among them. There is a district of east Manchester now called New Islington. Before the developers arrived, much of the surrounding neighbourhood was Miles Platting. Before that came the mills, and before the mills, the fields. Walk it today and you will find the worker’s bee cut into the old stone, the emblem of a city that told its people the wealth they made would come back to them. It never quite did. And the towers that have gone up beside that old stone, on ground their grandparents worked, were built with their money and let at rents they cannot pay. That is where this story becomes something much bigger than football.

Nine Boroughs Underwrote Manchester Housing Loans 

Here is the detail that turns a Manchester story into a Greater Manchester one, and it comes not from a newspaper but from the authority’s own accounts. In March 2018, the GMCA’s Treasury Management Strategy set out how the Housing Investment Loans Fund actually worked. The combined authority did not at that point have the legal power to borrow the money it was lending. So the loans were made by Manchester City Council, which held a £300 million loan from what was then the Department for Communities and Local Government. Government took the first £60 million of any losses. The remaining £240 million was guaranteed, and the guarantee had to sit with somebody. It sat with the other nine boroughs. In the document’s own words, “the other nine GM local authorities have each indemnified MCC for their share of the liability MCC has under the loan agreement with DCLG to repay a minimum of 80% of the Fund to DCLG in 2025.”

Read that again, and then read the dates. Those indemnities were live when the loans to Sheikh Mansour’s Jersey companies were approved in 2017. They only fell away in April 2018, when the loan book transferred to the GMCA. Which means that at the moment the money went out, the councils standing behind it were Wigan, Bolton, Oldham, Rochdale, Bury, Salford, Stockport, Tameside and Trafford. Not one of them received a penny of those three loans. Not one of their councillors sat in the room. Had the schemes failed, the bill would have landed on the general funds of some of the poorest boroughs in England, places where the libraries were closing and the children’s centres had already gone. The loans did not fail. That is luck, not governance. And luck is not a system of accountability.

The GMCA’s Own Report Admitted the Misalignment 

The most damaging document in this story is not The Telegraph’s investigation. It is the GMCA’s own loans report, tabled in the same pack, which states plainly that “affordable housing and section 106 agreements are dealt with at a local level”, before conceding, in the same breath, that commitments had now passed £300 million and that work was “ongoing to revise the Investment Strategy to better align the future investment approach with the GMCA housing objectives.” That is a housing fund admitting, in writing, that affordable housing was somebody else’s department, and that its investments were not aligned with its own housing goals. It is not a leaked memo. It is a public report, tabled and approved, and nobody made a fuss because nobody was reading.

The results arrived exactly as the paperwork predicted. Across the £1.2 billion the fund eventually lent, eleven thousand homes were built, of which fewer than five hundred met the affordable threshold. Under five per cent. That figure comes from an independent evaluation the GMCA itself commissioned. Meanwhile Andy Burnham had stood for mayor in 2017 promising to end rough sleeping by 2020, to build ten thousand council homes by 2028, and to steer the housing fund away from luxury city centre schemes. Rough sleeping in Greater Manchester has since risen four years in a row. In 2024/25, the entire city region completed 611 social rent homes.

Why Repayment Does Not Answer the Housing Fund Question 

Let us put the case for the defence as well as its own lawyers would. These were loans, not gifts. Manchester Life says all three were repaid in full with interest, and that Sheikh Mansour’s investment vehicle put more than £160 million of its own capital into the first two phases of the development. The fund as a whole turned a £29 million profit for the combined authority and returned £20.9 million to the government that supplied the capital. Sir Richard Leese, then deputy mayor and a director of Manchester Life, is reported to have declared a prejudicial interest and left the room. The decisions were taken collectively by GMCA members. Chairing a meeting is not the same as taking a decision, and Burnham said in October 2025 that the lending had been done “very rigorously and properly”.

Concede all of it. Every word. And then notice what has just been conceded. A housing fund that reports its success in interest earned has already told you what it was for. This was not a housing programme that underperformed. It was a merchant bank wearing a mayor’s chain, and the homes were a by-product of the lending rather than the purpose of it. Nobody stole anything. Nobody had to. That is a heavier charge than corruption, because corruption can be prosecuted and this cannot. What it can be is named.

Manchester Life and the Norman Tenure That Never Left 

The arrangement the Normans brought with them in 1066 did not work by theft. It worked by tenure. Land was not owned by the people who worked it; it was held. A lord held of the King, a tenant held of the lord, and the value travelled upward to someone the tenant would never meet. The brilliance of the system was that nothing needed to be taken by force. The paperwork did the taking. Everyone turned up to the same fields in the morning, and what they made simply left by a route they had no standing to question. We have spent the better part of a thousand years trying to shake it off. The Levellers went at it. The Chartists went at it. The men and women who put that bee on those buildings went at it with union cards and co-operative societies and a conviction that a city could belong to the people who built it. And here it is again in Ancoats, wearing a lanyard. 

Because the council did not sell the land outright. It granted long leaseholds. The researchers at Sheffield, Adam Leaver, Jonathan Silver and Richard Goulding, found that the leaseholds, the property assets and the income rights were all held through companies in Jersey, with ADUG holding majority control of the British joint venture companies too. An earlier study by Tom Gillespie and Jonathan Silver had already traced more than four hectares of public land transferred for over fourteen hundred homes, none of them affordable, in a city whose own policy asked for one in five. Lampwick Quay, built with public money, was later sold on to PGIM, an American asset manager. So the public put up the land. The public put up the capital. Nine boroughs underwrote the risk. And the rent now leaves by a route the tenant has no standing to question.

That is not a housing policy. It is a tenure, and it has a name older than any of the economics being argued over this week. Nor is it a market, whatever Burnham thinks he is ending. Ask Aubrey Weis, the Manchester developer who spent a reported £3 million on barristers and forensic accountants arguing that the same fund had lent more than £500 million to one favoured developer, Renaker, on terms no commercial lender would offer. He lost at the Competition Appeal Tribunal and lost again at the Court of Appeal, although Lord Justice Zacaroli accepted that his arguments on the interest rates were well founded, and he has now applied to the Supreme Court. Whether Weis was right matters less than what his defeat demonstrates: a rival with three million pounds and five years could not get a proper hearing on whether a market existed at all. In March 2024, a meeting chaired by Burnham approved £120 million of loans to two Renaker vehicles in under a minute.

Burnham’s Manchesterism and the Osborne Blueprint 

Burnham has a word for all this. He calls it Manchesterism, and he has described it as the end of neoliberalism and as business-friendly socialism. In the same conversations he generously credits the original Greater Manchester devolution settlement to George Osborne and the late Sir Howard Bernstein. Bernstein was the chief executive of Manchester City Council. He also sat on the board of Manchester Life. The architecture now being offered to the country as the answer to Thatcherism was drawn up by Osborne’s department and a council officer sitting on both sides of a deal with a Gulf monarchy, and it produced fewer than five hundred affordable homes out of eleven thousand.

And nobody above it was watching. Asked directly in 2024, the National Audit Office confirmed that it has no authority over, scrutiny of, oversight of or involvement in the Greater Manchester Housing Investment Loans Fund, and holds no information on the onward loans the combined authority made. More than a billion pounds of government money, lent to private developers, with no national auditor in the room. Devolution was sold to us as power coming home. What came home was the power to do this, in a building most of us have never entered, by people most of us cannot name. 

This is the model Burnham intends to export. More mayors, more combined authorities, more funds of this kind, each able to move hundreds of millions into private hands with no duty to publish the terms and no auditor with a remit to ask. Every new mayoralty inherits the same chequebook and the same silence around it. So the demand is not a resignation. It is paper. Publish the interest rates, the security, the risk assessments and the conflict-of-interest advice on all three loans. Publish the indemnities, so that the people of Wigan and Oldham can see what was pledged in their name. Publish the hospitality register for the full mayoralty, which the Liberal Democrat spokesperson Anna Sabine has already requested and which remains closed. And give the National Audit Office the remit it has told us in writing it does not have, before the next ten mayors inherit the same unwatched chequebook.

None of that requires anyone to have broken a law. All of it requires someone to stop finding it convenient that no law was broken. Burnham says he has not downplayed the seriousness of anything. Fine. Then publish, and let the seriousness speak. Eleven thousand homes went up in Greater Manchester on public money. Fewer than five hundred were meant for the people whose councils stood behind the debt. They did not take anything from us. We held the door, paid for the hinges, and called it devolution. The bee is still on the buildings. The question is who owns the hive.

Tight-Lipped About The Reasons

This afternoon, the Daily Mail published this, by Elizabeth Ivens, which is archived here:

An Oxford University professor is facing trial after being charged with possessing indecent images of children. Dr Lola Salem, 33, is a music lecturer at prestigious Oriel College, the oldest royal foundation college at Oxford, where King Charles is the 'official visitor' as reigning monarch. She was suspended by the college, whose famous alumni include Sir Walter Raleigh, after they became aware of the charges in June. She has also been barred from teaching students there and at fellow Oxford colleges Wadham and St Catherine's where she previously lectured in French. 

Dr Salem has been accused of possessing indecent images of children between May 2021 and February 2023. Three of the images are classed as category B, the second most serious category, and one is classed as category C. She is currently on bail after pleading not guilty to the charges earlier this year. She is expected to stand trial at Oxford Crown Court next year. Oriel College confirmed it 'was made aware of serious charges against an employee in June 2026'. It stated: 'This employee was suspended, pending the outcome of legal proceedings.'

French-born Dr Salem joined Oriel in 2022 and has been a lecturer in music at Oxford since 2018. The academic, who was educated in Paris and attended the world-famous Sorbonne University, completed her PhD at Oxford in 2022 on opera business, singers, economic and legal history in the 17th and 18th centuries. She was awarded a research fellowship in 2023 and has since 'devoted her time to examining artistic institutions, governance and cultural policy', according to her online biography. She describes herself as an 'academic, cultural strategist and fundraiser working in education, culture and the arts'. She has also worked in the media as a columnist for the Telegraph, a business development partner for The Critic magazine and has appeared on BBC Radio 3.

In the same paper, on Friday 2 October and archived here, Richard Eden wrote:

The gulf in their ages – he, at 59, is 26 years her senior – inspired much attention when their romance first bloomed, though arguably not as much as the disparity in their respective physical charms. After all, far from placing himself in the same bracket as Leonardo DiCaprio, Michael Gove has instead spoken candidly about what he considers his deficiencies in ‘looks, charisma, all the rest of it’. Now, however, the former Tory Cabinet minister’s relationship with his girlfriend, the French academic Dr Lola Salem, has ended after two years.

‘They’ve parted,’ a chum tells me, adding that Gove has moved out of the west London flat they shared. ‘The split happened some time ago, but all parties have been tight-lipped about the reasons.’ They first publicly emerged as a couple in 2024 when they were pictured arriving at The Spectator magazine’s summer party, with Gove gallantly shielding Lola from the rain with an umbrella. Gove was later photographed leaning in to kiss her at a London restaurant. Not long afterwards, Gove, who had just stood down as an MP, was appointed The Spectator’s editor and, though discreet about his newfound love, he didn’t try to keep it secret.

There was certainly no danger that Lola would ever be in his intellectual shadow. With two degrees under her belt from Paris, she was awarded a doctorate at Oxford. Gove – memorably described by his ex-wife, my fellow Daily Mail columnist Sarah Vine, as ‘a heterosexual man in a gay man’s body’ – has admitted to having an intense crush on Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood. If, he joked, Ms Mahmood could see what he looked at on his computer, ‘she would discover that quite a lot of my browsing is me typing in “Shabana Mahmood images” or “Shabana Mahmood history”.’ Added Gove: ‘She’s gorgeous. I’m a huge fan. I’ll have to tell my girlfriend about this.’

Advance?


Canada has seemingly decided to stop sliding down the slippery slope of assisted dying. On Wednesday, the country’s Justice Minister, Sean Fraser, revealed that the Liberal government would be indefinitely suspending its plan to legalise assisted dying for individuals whose only condition is mental. Before this, legislation had been passed which meant that, from March of next year, Canadians could apply to end their lives solely on the basis of mental illness.

This law has now been shelved, with Fraser stating that the government has decided there is no medical consensus on when mental illnesses become incurable or untreatable, and that subsequently it would be impossible to discern in which circumstances individuals could be allowed to end their lives. Psychiatrists had repeatedly been making this point, including earlier this year to a parliamentary committee, conveying that it is not possible to prognosticate on mental illness. At long last, the government appears to agree.

Yet since 2021, people can apply to end their lives in Canada even if their death is considered to be “reasonably foreseeable”, meaning that many people with lifelong conditions which are not considered terminal, such as multiple sclerosis, can die by euthanasia. This seems to reinforce the precedent that has long been put forward — whether implicitly or explicitly — by those who advocate for assisted dying, that the lives of disabled people simply have less value than their able-bodied counterparts.

This two-tiered society has been evident in Canada for several years now. Christine Gauthier, the Canadian Paralympian and army veteran, asked for state assistance in making her home more accessible through the installation of a wheelchair lift. Instead, she was offered euthanasia. Roger Foley, who has a degenerative neurological condition and remains in hospital, has repeatedly attempted to access self-directed home care, yet he is continually told by hospital staff that his only real options are to put up with his limited care or end his life. There are countless other examples. The solution, which the Canadian government has finally taken its first steps towards, is not widening the scope for people to die, but instead providing people with the requisite care to live as meaningful and dignified a life as possible. 

Disability campaigners have been highlighting this plight in Canada for years, and it is one that has been echoed in great detail in Britain over recent months. This year alone, legislation which would have legalised assisted dying in England, Wales and Scotland have all been rejected, in large part due to the worries of disabled people that they would essentially develop a duty to die. Legislators including Baronesses Grey-Thompson and Campbell, as well as Lord Shinkwin, revealed how they are frequently treated as second-class citizens due to their disabilities, and how this would translate to an increased vulnerability under an assisted dying programme.

Hopefully, Canada’s change in direction will inspire other countries where assisted dying for mental illness is already legal to follow suit. In the Netherlands, for example, there have already been tragedies where lives have been ended when the individual’s mental-health condition could have been treatable, such as the case of an autistic boy between the ages of 16 and 18 who was euthanised following a failed suicide attempt, with the justification being that he was suffering mentally because of his autism. This is precisely the kind of horrific case Canada has just avoided. The Netherlands could, and should, avail of this shift in medical and legislative viewpoint and repeal its legislation.

Canada has taken the right first step in ensuring that people with serious illnesses or conditions — mental or physical — are not disproportionately adversely affected by assisted dying laws. The next step back up the slippery slope is to reverse the other recent expansion of the law that allowed those for whom death is not reasonably foreseeable to end their lives. Assisted dying laws that were initially billed as being the exception to the rule have rapidly become the status quo, and any government that seriously cares about its citizens should seek to stamp this out.

And Darren Major writes:

The former Quebec premier who oversaw passage of Canada's first-ever medically assisted dying law says he now feels conflicted after seeing how far the practice has progressed since then. Quebec's National Assembly passed the law in 2014 outlining conditions under which terminally ill patients could formally request medical assistance in dying (MAID). While the bill was initially introduced by the Parti Québécois, it gained multiparty support while Philippe Couillard's Liberals were in government.

The former premier told CBC's The House that he sometimes questions his 2014 decision after seeing how MAID has expanded in Quebec and Canada since that first law was passed. "It was clearly reserved for terminal or pre-terminal conditions with a defined, unfortunate road to the end of life. And this is not the case anymore," he told host Catherine Cullen. "I'm not sure that I would have again voted for that law with the extension that we have seen in the recent years." 

Two years after Quebec passed its law, the federal government passed its own MAID legislation — prompted by a 2015 Supreme Court ruling that said a prohibition of medically assisted dying ran contrary to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Former prime minister Justin Trudeau consulted with Couillard before the 2016 federal MAID law was adopted. That federal legislation was struck down by the Superior Court of Quebec in 2019 because it was limited to those whose deaths were "reasonably foreseeable." The federal government passed a subsequent law in 2021 to fall in line with the court's ruling. Quebec took things a step further in 2024, allowing for people to submit advance requests for MAID before a person's condition, such as Alzheimer's, renders them incapable of giving consent.

Couillard, a former neurosurgeon, emphasized that the intention of Quebec's original law was to limit MAID to those solely suffering from a terminal illness. "I was warned about this by people opposing the law that told me, 'We see your motivation is good, but you will see, once you open the door you will not close it and it will open wider.' And this is what happened," he said. The federal government announced this week that, after deliberation in the wake of the 2019 court ruling, it wouldn't proceed with expanding MAID to people who are solely suffering from mental illness. (There are multiple cases before the courts arguing for further expansion to include people suffering from mental illness). 

Justice Minister Sean Fraser announced the government will not move forward with allowing medical assistance in dying (MAID) for those suffering solely from mental illness, angering some MAID advocates, but pleasing many in the medical community. "We need to create space for people to be able to provide consent when they know they're going to lose capacity in order to live out their remaining years rather than being put in a position where they fear they have to take that decision prematurely," Fraser said earlier this week. "We don't have the jurisdiction to create these services in the different provinces. We only have the jurisdiction to determine when a particular set of behaviours will be treated as criminal under Canada's criminal laws." 

Despite his current reservations, Couillard praised the passing of the original bill as "one of the best moments of democracy" during his premiership, noting that he allowed for a free vote within his Liberal caucus. But when asked, he said he does sometimes have regrets about passing the law. "In general, when this hits me, I think about specific patients that I've known in my medical career that were in such deep distress and pain that I think we did the right thing," he said. "But I hope we didn't go too fast. I hope we didn't take this as a trivial matter, which is certainly not the case."

But Sharon Kirkey writes:

Just as one debate over euthanasia is being settled, another is emerging over Canada’s plans to allow people to consent to medical aid in dying (MAID) at some future date when they are no longer of sound mind. In a surprise move this week, federal Justice Minister Sean Fraser announced the Liberal government is fine-tuning a bill to be introduced sometime this fall that, in addition to placing an indeterminate hold on MAID for mental illness alone, would decriminalize “advance requests” for doctor-administered death. Performing euthanasia on the basis of a person’s advance request “will mean that people will receive MAID when they no longer understand what is happening to them,” said Trudo Lemmens, a University of Toronto professor of health law and policy. 

Another thorny ethical concern: who makes the final call that it’s time to act on an advance request once the person has lost the capacity to decide for themselves? The Criminal Code generally requires that a person has the capacity to consent to receive MAID immediately before death is administered. The Liberal government is proposing to change that. Here’s a look at why that’s making some people nervous.

What are advance requests for euthanasia? 

Advance requests would allow people who have been diagnosed with a serious and incurable disease that will eventually lead to incapacity to draft a document outlining the specific conditions under which they would prefer to die, which would then be provided after they have lost capacity. In its report following a “national conversation” on the issue, the federal government offered the hypothetical example of a man named “Charlie” who, after being diagnosed with Alzheimer’s disease, “decides that should his health decline rapidly and he starts experiencing intolerable suffering after he has lost capacity to make health care decisions, he would like to have MAID provided.”  His advance request would set out conditions that, for Charlie, would constitute “endurable and intolerable suffering,” a formal criterion for MAID. That could include not being able to feed himself, get out of bed or recognize his children. 

If these conditions were to arise, the advance request would state that it would be his explicit wish to be provided MAID. The Criminal Code currently requires that a person have capacity to give explicit, final consent before death. The only exception involves people who are close to a natural death and have already been approved for MAID and have a date set, but are at risk of losing capacity before the scheduled date. In those cases, people can sign a waiver of final consent. In March, Alberta became the only province to explicitly ban advance requests for MAID. Fraser said it will be up to provinces to decide whether to allow people to make advance requests. 

On Oct. 30, 2024, Quebec joined the Netherlands in accepting advance requests for people diagnosed with dementia and other serious conditions that will lead to incapacity. However, as the Montreal Gazette’s Aaron Derfel has reported, with no amendment to the Criminal Code, many MAID providers in Quebec are anxious about being prosecuted, despite the province’s directive to criminal prosecutors that pursuing doctors who comply with the provincial law would “not be in the public interest.” Even then, about 3,000 advance requests have now been added to a Quebec registry; between 30 to 40 deaths have been performed under the directives so far.

What have Canadians said about advance directives? 

According to the federal government’s recently conducted national conversation on the issue, an online questionnaire completed by more than 46,000 adults between December 2024 and February 2025 found 69 per cent supported advance requests for people diagnosed with a serious or incurable condition that will lead to a loss of capacity. Twenty-six per cent said they oppose them. Some participants in roundtable discussions said final consent is “an essential guardrail. Without it they said that vulnerable individuals would be at risk,” according to the report. Some questioned how people can make a truly informed decision, given they don’t know for certain what they’ll be experiencing in the future.

Likewise, some wondered how to manage circumstances “where the person meets the conditions set out in their advance request but appears to refuse MAID after they have lost capacity.” “Euthanasia for people who are incapacitated is a very, very delicate matter,” Montreal family physician Laurence Normand-Rivest said this week at a press conference on Parliament Hill organized by the Euthanasia Prevention Coalition. “They don’t have the privilege to consent at the moment where we kill them,” Normand-Rivest said. “They show a lot of resistance. They need to be sedated. They don’t want an injection, and to have an IV … People think it will be a peaceful death but in fact we see a lot of struggle and battle when doctors euthanize incapacitated patients,” she said. 

Dr. Laurent Boisvert, a MAID provider and president of Quebec’s Dying with Dignity association, said that, in his experience, deaths performed under advance requests aren’t nearly so disturbing. He has personally performed three or four such MAID provisions. “I didn’t have this type of problem, but I know that at some point I can be in front of a patient who is quite aggressive, who doesn’t want to be touched and we need to sedate this patient” in order to insert the IV, Boisvert said. “But calling this a distressing procedure, I don’t think so.” People can appoint one or two trusted people — a spouse, an adult child — to make sure their advance request is respected, he said. In conversations with colleagues, “it seems that it has worked well (with) no big problems at this time,” Boisvert said. 

In a controversial 2016 Dutch case, a doctor ended the life of a 74-year-old woman who had been diagnosed with Alzheimer’s four years earlier, and who had drafted an advance euthanasia directive requesting euthanasia should she ever be admitted to a nursing home and no longer able to live with her husband. When her condition worsened, she was placed in a nursing home, where she began wandering the halls at night. “The nursing home doctor reviewed her case and decided that the woman was suffering unbearably, which would justify her wish to die,” Dutch media reported. 

On the morning of her death, the doctor secretly slipped a sedative into the woman’s coffee. She did not tell the woman she was about to die. Despite the sedative, the woman appeared to try to get up in the middle of the procedure and “resisted physically,” the doctor initially reported to the euthanasia committee. The woman’s son-in-law laid her back down so the doctor could inject her. The doctor was eventually acquitted of breaking Dutch euthanasia laws after a judge ruled the woman’s prior written request was sufficient and that there was no legal requirement for the doctor to verify the “current death wish,” BBC reported.

What do proponents say? 

Dying with Dignity Canada said the proposed legislation would only decriminalize advance requests in provinces and territories that also pass legislation permitting them, creating at best a patchwork system across Canada. “At worst, some people in Canada may never have access to advance requests in their province or territory,” CEO Helen Long said. Fraser, the federal justice minister, said advance requests would allow people at risk of losing their decision-making capacity “to live out their remaining years, rather than being put in a position where they fear they have to take that decision prematurely.”

What do opponents say? 

While he can understand the appeal they hold for some, psychiatrist Dr. Sonu Gaind said there are several unresolved concerns, including how people, once they lose capacity, could withdraw their consent. “Meaning that, if they change their mind, and they’ve lost capacity, what do you do? How do you deal with it? How do you know?” It’s a concern reflected in the coffee case in the Netherlands, he said. Advance requests are also based on what people think they would and would not want in the future. “We’re not very good at knowing how we’ll actually deal with things and cope with things” months or years later, said Gaind, a University of Toronto professor. Studies show people who suffer spinal cord injuries, for example, adapt in ways they never thought possible, he said. 

“How do we predict that for our future selves? We don’t know how we will actually adapt and feel in the future once something happens.” What’s not talked about enough, he said, is what gets “projected into the decision” to end a person’s life. “Once the person has lost capacity, then the agency for actually fulfilling their prior wishes falls on someone else,” Gaind said. “It’s inevitable, it has to: It falls on someone else to make a judgment that, ‘OK, have the conditions now been met’” to warrant MAID. 

It would fall onto an assessor, yet the MAID literature shows the personal views and values of the assessor influences the end-of-life decisions that are made, Gaind said. “You risk having an illusion that, ‘Oh, we’re compassionately fulfilling patient autonomy,’ but in fact are we now, in some of these situations, allowing internalized ableism of assessors to get projected onto these assessments of patients who’ve, at this point, lost capacity?” Others worry about coercion. “A court can undo a will that was unduly influenced,” Heather Campbell Pope, a lawyer and chair of Dementia Justice Canada, said in a statement. “But once MAID is provided, there is no meaningful remedy if we find later that the person was pressured to make the advance request” or pressured to go along with it, she said. “It is simply too late.”

Friday, 9 October 2026

Labour Held Starmer’s Old Seat; Nobody Won It

Paul Knaggs writes:

Keir Starmer left Holborn and St Pancras with a majority of 11,572. Labour has just kept it with 3,364. Six voters in ten did not turn out at all. That is not a mandate. It is a tenancy, which is at least appropriate in a constituency where roughly three quarters of residents rent the roof over their heads.

Sagal Abdi-Wali, leader of Camden Council since May and a former child refugee from Somalia, won with 12,292 votes. Zack Polanski, leader of the Green Party of England and Wales, took 8,928. Ewan Cameron of the Conservatives came third on 1,922, Reform’s Peter Newman fourth on 1,612, and the Liberal Democrat Patrick Stillman trailed on 924. Turnout was 38.76 per cent, down from 54.1 per cent when Starmer last stood here two years ago.

Let me be fair to the Greens before I am hard on them, because the arithmetic deserves honesty. In 2024 their candidate David Stansell polled 4,030 votes in this seat. Polanski took more than double that on a turnout around eleven thousand votes lower. In share terms that is close to a tripling. A Green spokesperson said on the night that taking the fight to Labour in one of its safest seats showed how far the party has come, and on the face of the numbers that is not spin. In February the Greens took Gorton and Denton from Labour outright, with Hannah Spencer winning on a turnout of 47.62 per cent.

This is a party that is genuinely growing. That is precisely why last night was so bad for them. Gorton and Denton was a seat the Greens chose to fight. Holborn and St Pancras was a seat their leader chose to inhabit. Polanski did not send a promising local candidate into Camden and hope. He put his own name on the ballot, moved the national operation in behind it, and told the press in September that he would remain leader whatever happened. Nearly fifteen hundred doors were knocked in the first three days after Starmer’s resignation, before the party had even selected anybody. When you stake your personal authority on a contest, you do not get to grade yourself on vote share afterwards. When you stake your personal authority on a contest, you do not get to grade yourself on vote share afterwards.

And there is a number that should trouble Green strategists more than Abdi-Wali’s majority. In 2024, the independent Andrew Feinstein took 7,312 votes here with no party, no machine and no national profile beyond his own. Stansell took a further 4,030. Between them, the anti-Starmer left polled 11,342 in this constituency. Polanski, as leader of a national party in a by-election built around him, polled 8,928. Turnout was far lower, so the comparison is not a straight one. But a movement that absorbed Feinstein’s endorsement and Feinstein’s voters and still could not assemble Feinstein’s coalition has a problem it cannot solve with leaflets.

WHAT HAPPENED IN BRIGHTON 

The problem has a date and a place. On Saturday 4 October, at the Green conference in Brighton, members voted by 1,022 to 813 to adopt a motion declaring Zionism a racist, ethnonationalist political project, committing the party to a single democratic state and formally making the Greens the first explicitly anti-Zionist party in mainstream British politics. Fifty-five per cent to forty-five. A party split nearly down the middle, on the eve of the most important by-election in its history.

Polanski was not in the hall. He had left after his Friday speech to campaign in Camden. He had backed an amendment offering safeguards for Jewish members, and that amendment was defeated, but he did not stay to speak against the motion and he did not vote on it. Caroline Lucas, who led the party from 2016 to 2018 and remains its most recognisable figure, went on Newsnight and did not spare him. She said he should have been there and he should have voted. She called the motion flawed from top to bottom.

Asked directly whether Polanski should quit the leadership, she declined to defend him, saying instead that we should see what happens in the coming days and weeks, while allowing that he had been taken up with the by-election. Read that again. That is not criticism from an opponent. That is a former leader of the same party, invited on live television to say her leader should stay, choosing not to.

THE ARGUMENT THE GREENS DID NOT HAVE 

Here is the defence the Greens will offer, and it is not a stupid one. Party conference is sovereign. Members, not leaders, make policy, and a leader who overrides a membership vote is a leader of a different kind of party. The motion carries no disciplinary weight, as the party’s own spokesperson pointed out. Polanski was doing the job the membership had given him, which was to fight an election. There is something honourable in a party that argues in public rather than managing dissent in private, and anyone who watched Labour’s internal machinery grind through the Corbyn years should hesitate before demanding more discipline and less democracy. All true.

And all beside the point. The question was never whether Green members have the right to debate Israel and Palestine. They do. The question is what a party is for, and what it puts first when the two collide. In the week the Greens had their best ever shot at a Westminster seat, in a constituency where people are being priced out of the streets they grew up on, the party’s defining public act was a motion about the Middle East that split its own conference almost in half and that its leader was too busy to vote on. 

Abdi-Wali, for her part, campaigned on the thing in front of her. She pointed out that around 76 per cent of people in this seat rent, against a national average nearer 36. She was not an inspiring choice, and plenty on the local left regard her as thoroughly Starmerite. She did not turn up to the Camden Muslim Network hustings, and the organisers noticed. Her party’s vote fell by 6,592 from Starmer’s 2024 total. She won anyway, because she talked about rent.

BOUNDARIES 

This is the party that tells you to follow the science, right up until the science contradicts the Party Something has happened to the Green Party, and the Zionism motion is a symptom rather than the disease. This was once a movement that understood boundaries as a physical fact. A watershed. A green belt. A hedgerow. A limit on how much a river can take before it dies. Its whole claim on our attention was that some things must be protected whether or not protecting them is fashionable. That instinct has not disappeared, but it has been displaced. A party that built itself on defending the boundaries of the natural world has become notably less patient with boundaries elsewhere, including the ones women ask for around privacy, dignity and single-sex space.

This newspaper’s position on that is settled and will not be softened to keep anyone comfortable. Somewhere between saving the planet and relitigating the meaning of sex, the Greens wandered into territory where the people they most need to persuade cannot follow them. Polanski should not be hounded out over one defeat. He doubled his party’s vote in a Labour fortress and that is a real achievement, whatever happens next. But he set the test himself, and he failed it, and he was absent from the room where the damage was done.

THE TEMPTATION IN DOWNING STREET 

There is a man in Downing Street who should read this result more carefully than anyone in the Green Party, and his name is Andy Burnham. Burnham has been Prime Minister since 20 July. He was acclaimed unopposed, which is to say that not a single Labour member, let alone a single voter, was asked to endorse him. He entered the Commons in June through a by-election in Makerfield that existed only because Josh Simons stood aside to create it. He is the seventh person to hold the office in just over a decade. He has never led a party into a general election, and the next one is not due until August 2029.

So far, that has not hurt him. Survation’s poll of 2 to 5 October put Labour on 30 per cent against Reform’s 24, the party’s best figure since December 2024 and the third Labour lead of Burnham’s premiership outside the margin of error. His personal numbers are the sort no British prime minister has enjoyed in years: Opinium had him at net plus seven in late September, YouGov at plus five. The press has already given it a name. The Burnham bounce.

Every instinct in Labour’s machine will now whisper the same thing. Go now. Convert the bounce into a mandate before the Budget, before the winter, before the shine comes off. Holborn and St Pancras is the reason not to.  Look at what actually happened in a seat Labour held by 11,572 two years ago. The party’s vote fell by 6,592. The majority fell to 3,364. Starmer’s successor won, and won fairly, but she won by surviving rather than persuading. And the damage was not done by the right. The Conservatives went backwards here in raw votes. So did Reform. So did the Liberal Democrats. Everything Labour lost in this constituency, it lost leftwards.

That is the part that should keep Burnham awake, because it is the mirror image of the thing that got him here. Tim Bale of Queen Mary University put it plainly to Al Jazeera last week: very little of Labour’s recovery comes from Reform voters switching to Labour. The bounce is built on left-leaning and liberal voters coming home. Those are precisely the voters Polanski spent five weeks in Camden trying to take away, and he took 8,928 of them.

Now set that against the arithmetic of 2024. Labour won 411 seats on 33.7 per cent of the vote, the most efficient and the shallowest landslide in modern British history. A majority of that size built on a third of the vote does not degrade gently. It holds, and holds, and then it collapses all at once, because hundreds of seats sit within a few thousand votes of changing hands. Labour is currently polling between 28 and 30 per cent. In February, the Greens took Gorton and Denton from Labour on a swing large enough to rank among the biggest Labour by-election losses since 1931. In Makerfield, Reform’s candidate still polled 15,696 votes while losing. Burnham cannot squeeze the Green vote by moving right, and he cannot hold off Reform by moving left. Two fronts, pulling in opposite directions. There is no campaign clever enough to solve that in six weeks, which is all a general election gives you. The honest case for going early is that legitimacy is a real problem, that an unelected prime minister governing on another man’s manifesto has limited authority, and that the bounce may never be higher than it is this month. All fair.

But a general election called to settle a legitimacy question of your own making is not a mandate, it is a gamble with other people’s livelihoods as the stake. Burnham has nearly three years. The question is not whether he can win an election now. It is whether he can give people a reason to vote for him in 2029, and that reason will not be found in a poll. It will be found in rent, in bills, in water, in buses, in the things he spent nine years in Manchester saying a government ought to be judged on. He has the one thing Starmer never had, which is permission. He should spend it on something. The Greens did not lose Holborn and St Pancras to Labour. They lost it in Brighton, in a hall their leader had already left.