Monday, 25 October 2021

Victim, Complex

So far as one can tell, Claudia Webbe has not been expelled from the Labour Party, unlike convicted MPs in the past. Everyone knows that conviction by a single, salaried employee of the same State that brought the prosecution is kangaroo court stuff, and at best not to be taken seriously. We invade and bomb countries to change their regimes when they have better criminal justice systems than that.

Meanwhile, it turns out that if your weird hobby is to try and get on in the remnant Labour Party in County Durham, then the way to do it is now to pretend to have been one of the victims of the legendary David Lindsay, who has never heard of you. My tag has just come off, and now this. I am having a good night.

Those Who Want To Speak Out

Mikey Smith writes:

Priti Patel's new police and crime bill could undermine trust in forces and "exacerbate" serious violence, former police chiefs have warned.

The group of ex-police leaders, senior officers and advisers has written to the Home Secretary to express their concerns about some of the proposals contained in the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill - which the House of Lords will continue to consider on Monday. 

The Bill contains a raft of measures aimed at overhauling the criminal justice system as part of the Government's efforts to make the streets safer. The proposals prompted widespread protests earlier this year, with some claiming the Bill hand the authorities too much power to prevent peaceful demonstrations. 

Signatories - including Lord Paddick, former deputy assistant commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, and Leroy Logan, the former Met superintendent who was the founding member and first chairman of the National Black Police Association - have asked Ms Patel to reconsider measures in the Bill which could "undermine the work police colleagues are doing to prevent and reduce serious violence, and put already marginalised communities at further risk of harm".

"As experts on police use of force, racial profiling, and stop and search, we believe that this Bill has dangerous implications for the fight against serious violence, an issue that demands police work in service to, not against, the communities facing its harms," the letter said. 

The group warns placing a legal duty on police and public bodies like councils, criminal justice bodies, health and fire services to tackle serious violence and share intelligence and data could "negatively affect relationships" between the police and the public, as well as their counterparts in other authorities, adding:

"Ultimately, these proposals will hit marginalised groups the hardest, disproportionately impacting Black men and communities of colour with whom the police need to rebuild trust. "The duty may actually exacerbate people's experiences of alienation, exclusion, and isolation - some of the root causes of serious violence." 

On proposed Serious Violence Reduction Orders - intended to make it easier to stop and search those who have previously been convicted of carrying a knife - the letter said: "When stop and search powers are misused, they can be counterproductive, a waste of time and resources, and most importantly, damage relationships between the police and the public", adding that provisions for a "suspicionless stop and search power" would "roll back some of the progress that has been made in trying to address the issue of racial disproportionality in the criminal justice system".

Jun Pang, police and campaigns officer at human rights group Liberty, claimed there was a growing "chorus of opposition" to the "oppressive" legislation, adding: "The new policepowers the Bill creates will lead to harassment and oppressive monitoring of young people, working class people and people of colour - especially black people.

"Expanding existing measures like stop and search will funnel more people into the criminal punishment system and further divide communities. The Bill threatens the way of life of Gypsy and Traveller Communities and silences those who want to speak out against injustice."

In This Scheme of Things

Ian Jack writes:

Newcastle had been mining coal for at least six centuries when, in March 1938, the American geologist Max Steineke struck oil in eastern Saudi Arabia.

His find had momentous consequences: what turned out to be the world’s largest exploitable oil reserves made Saudi Arabia crucial to the global economy and the politics of the Middle East, and a kingdom that other countries found it useful to befriend. 

The effects have been unfurling for the past 80 years, and in Newcastle you might say with contrasting results: harsh and kind. 

First: by vastly swelling and cheapening the oil supply, Saudi Arabia helped finish off the original source of Newcastle’s prosperity and significance (together with most of Europe’s deep-mine coal industry).

Second: with this month’s purchase of Newcastle United FC, Saudi Arabia has revived the civic spirit and brightened the city’s future. 

The latter statement requires you to believe that the city and the football club have identical interests; that supporters and citizens share the same fealty; that the roof of the stadium at St James’ Park, distinctive in the city-centre skyline, is a substitute for the shipyard cranes and the colliery winding gear whose silhouettes have disappeared. 

There is, after all, only one football team in Newcastle: unlike the rival clubs of London and the pairings in the bigger English cities (to say nothing of Glasgow, Edinburgh and Dundee), it carries the undivided burden of a city’s adoration and despair. 

The fans like to think of themselves as “the Geordie nation” and there may be something to that fancy – nationhood often being underpinned by what Sigmund Freud called “the narcissism of the small difference” as well as the notion of a golden past. Newcastle United can supply both. 

No other club in England has an anthem as old as the Blaydon Races – it was first performed in a Newcastle music hall in 1862 – or as purposefully local in its references and its language, a word which the geordie dialect, infused with so much non-standard English, sometimes stretches to. 

And which English region has produced as many renowned players – Jackie Milburn, the Charlton brothers, Paul Gascoigne, Alan Shearer – as Newcastle and its hinterland? 

As for a golden past, there it lies glittering in the dust: four times winners of the old First Division; six times winners of the FA Cup and seven times runners-up, the last significant Wembley triumph in 1955. 

According to attendance statistics, Newcastle were the best supported football club in England in the first half of the last century. In 1932, not just trains but steamships took thousands of flat-capped men south to that year’s cup final.

The Saudi-backed consortium has acquired the stewardship of this tradition, as well as ownership of the club, for £300m – a bargain price.

A club’s history contributes to the passion of the stadium crowd, which adds to the excitement of the global television audience, which helps grow that audience, which increases advertising and viewer revenues, which adds to the profits of the TV channel and the Premier League … and so on.

In this chain of value, the spectators in the stadium come second only to the players. The wonder is that they pay to get in – they deserve fees as film extras.

Add to this structure the thorough globalisation of Premier League ownership, often foreign and sometimes remote, and you have the answer to the conundrum of why a supporter can speak of “our” club when it belongs to an oligarch, a sultan or a baseball business.

Newcastle is now funded, however indirectly, by a regime that oppresses women and eliminates its critics by murder and dismemberment; but what most supporters seem to feel is gratitude. In any case, BAE Systems has sold Saudi Arabia at least £6.9bn-worth of arms (an official figure – other estimates are far higher) since a Saudi-led coalition began bombing Yemen in March 2015. 

These are sales made under a government-to-government agreement and therefore “in our name”. A fan might ask, what’s a football club in this scheme of things? And when will they hire a new manager, having terminated Steve Bruce (though he’ll be OK with his few million quid payoff and his house in Darras Hall)?

Last Sunday afternoon I saw these avid, friendly people from the window of a Metro to Whitley Bay. 

Little family groups and big men wearing black-and-white Newcastle shirts, all of them looking cheerful while they waited at Wallsend, Percy Main and North Shields for trains going the other way – into town, to see United v Spurs, the first game under the club’s new ownership. 

A few had tied tea-towels on their heads as make-do kafiyas. Another marched along the platform waving the Saudi flag – recognisable by its Qur’anic inscription in Arabic.

Perhaps they did this as a welcome, perhaps as a thank you, perhaps as a piece of fun: all three, probably, but it embarrassed the new management, who on Wednesday issued a statement “kindly asking supporters to refrain from wearing traditional Arabic clothing or Middle East-inspired head coverings at matches if they would not ordinarily wear such attire”. 

The club stressed that nobody in the new ownership had been in any way offended, “but there remains the possibility that dressing this way is culturally inappropriate and risks causing offence to others”.

I like Newcastle. The handsome stone terraces, the steep slope down to the Tyne, the seven bridges across the river, the graceful curves of the railway arches, the arcades, the museums: who could have expected such filthy industries as coal, shipbuilding and alkali-making to have left such a beautiful residue? 

Still, a town that likes to be known as “party city” makes an odd fit for the moral austerity of its football club’s new funders. On a Friday and Saturday night, shoals of men and women sway down its handsome streets, keen to lose inhibition and find excess. 

Most cities in Britain now understand the meaning of “the evening economy”, but Newcastle remains its apogee: in its central drinking quarter, almost every shop has become a restaurant or a bar. It isn’t Jeddah.

I first came here in 1956. Lying in my Newcastle hotel bed last Saturday, secure from the crowds on the Quayside, I remembered what I could of that visit.

In the long gap between a change of trains – we were on our way from Scotland – my father had taken me down to the swing bridge, which opened on cue to let a yellow-funnelled steam tug sail downstream.

The air itself seemed grey with smoke – from the trains on the bridges as well as the tug – and the buildings on the opposite shore were a jumble of black. The age of the first fossil fuel was ending in Britain, though I didn’t know that. It had made us and may ruin us, though that too wasn’t known.

A Damning Account of Failure

Alfie Steer writes:

It is perhaps natural that New Labour, a political tendency best associated with obsessive spin and image-management, has garnered a unique degree of media study and fascination.

No other government has been the subject of so many column inches, books, and documentaries. Tony Blair alone has been the subject of dozens of biographies and television profiles—some fawning, some condemnatory, and some simply baffled by his ideological and personal complexities.

The BBC’s new five-part series Blair & Brown: The New Labour Revolution is just the latest offering from this industry of gossip, speculation, and legacy-creation, albeit one with the unique achievement of featuring almost every major figure involved.

But beyond the now iconic images of the New Labour years, there are some moments of real insight, and an overarching—if unintended—lesson for the politics of the Left. 

What we are offered in this documentary series is in essence a hagiography of New Labour, which, even when critical, seems to portray more a romantic tragedy (particularly in the last years of the Brown government) than a damning account of failure.

In establishing the New Labour brand, the documentary’s first episode charts not only Blair and Brown’s personal development as politicians, but also the old familiar territory of Labour history: now often tropes within New Labour’s own account of events.

The story begins in the aftermath of Labour’s 1983 landslide defeat, where the Left was symbolically humiliated, and Blair and Brown first entered Parliament. There is of course the old familiar story of Blair and Brown as office buddies, and then fierce political allies. 

Anything at odds with the natural progression and ultimate triumph of their politics is simultaneously dismissed. The 1984-5 miners’ strike is portrayed as an embarrassing nuisance rather than a struggle that enjoyed almost unprecedented levels of sympathy and solidarity in the wider labour movement.

The leadership of Neil Kinnock (who led the party to two general election defeats) is praised for laying the foundations for party ‘modernisation’, while John Smith’s brief and tragic tenure is dismissed as hopelessly complacent and out of touch.

To an uninformed viewer, it would be easy to believe that before Blair and Brown Labour didn’t even want to win elections, let alone have the capacity to do it. John Smith’s twenty-two point polling leads by the time of his death are not mentioned.

By episode two, after the Shakespearian ‘Granita Pact’ between Blair and Brown is ploughed over again, the old familiar images of the 1997 election win are quickly deployed, capturing the euphoric high of victory from which that many on the party’s Right have still yet to come down.

But at this moment of historic triumph, Blair offers a revealing anecdote. During the celebrations, someone told him that now ‘anything was possible’. Blair replied, ‘Like what?’ The overarching story of New Labour—perhaps not deliberately told in this documentary, but implicit throughout—is of a wasted opportunity.

Despite winning the greatest landslide in British history, with an unassailable parliamentary majority, Blair frequently appeared bereft of a clear political mission, or any desire to enact the radical change so many people hoped for. 

The promise of a new kind of politics after the sleaze of John Major’s government was undermined in just a few years from scandals like Lobbygate, the Ecclestone Affair, and the multiple resignations of Peter Mandelson. 

Meanwhile, at almost the very moment of triumph, the Blair and Brown partnership which had been so effective in winning power first in the party and then across the country deteriorated into a destructive and frequently tedious psychodrama. 

As Richard Wilson (Blair’s cabinet secretary, and by far one of the most insightful of contributors to the programme) argues, even some of New Labour’s greatest, and perhaps most radical legacies were issues Blair cared little about. 

Devolution to Scotland and Wales, the reform of the House of Lords, the Freedom of Information Act, and the Minimum Wage are barely mentioned. Instead, Blair’s focus was first on an impatient programme of ideologically quixotic public sector reform, and then on the international stage. 

For a man who demonstrates throughout an unshakeable, and ever-growing, sense of self-belief, it is perhaps unsurprising that the world stage was where he found his clearest sense of personal, ideological mission.

For example, in the third episode we are told a story of the Good Friday Agreement which makes just a passing reference to the work of Mo Mowlam and is seen as solely the result of Blair’s unique leadership and messiah complex.

In other areas of foreign affairs, Blair’s self-confidence led to disastrous results. In painful detail, episode four outlines how the British government marched towards the Iraq War, an event greeted almost immediately by moral outrage and condemnation.

Here, New Labour’s gift for (and pride in) the dark art of spin doctoring was most affectively deployed with the so-called ‘dodgy dossier’ of faulty, misrepresented or ‘sexed up’ intelligence.

This allowed the British public to believe that Saddam Hussein not only possessed Weapons of Mass Destruction, but could deploy them within forty-five minutes.

As we all know, despite the largest public demonstrations in British history, Britain invaded Iraq, leading to the death of hundreds of thousands. While Blair never fully admits it, it is of no doubt he appears at least personally haunted by the decision.

The traumatic calamity and futility of it all is perhaps best demonstrated by his change in tone when publicly discussing the war. Whereas in the past he maintained a sense of moral certainty, the best he can now offer is a plea for others to at least understand his side of the argument. 

While it is perhaps unwise to dwell too much on the personal character of New Labour’s key figures, it is clear that Blair’s sense of personal ability was a driving force throughout, and beyond the moral outrage of Iraq, this had a corrosive affect elsewhere. 

As his belief in his own ability grew, Blair became increasingly out of touch with his own party, and eventually the country as a whole. 

Blair once possessed an impressive skill in presenting his adaptation to neoliberal orthodoxy as a socialist cause, but by the end of his tenure, his speeches to the party were reduced to hectoring. 

Eventually, he seemed to relish his unpopularity just as much as his early, record-breaking popularity, taking it as a demonstration of his strong leadership or his visionary, forward-thinking modernism. 

Given that Blair infamously appeared frequently at odds with Labour’s traditions, procedures and values, Gordon Brown is presented as a more identifiably ‘labourist’ politician. 

The son of a Scottish minister, he had been steeped in Labour politics from a young age, and was first motivated into action upon witnessing the horrors of poverty in his hometown of Kirkcaldy. 

Throughout this documentary, there is a clear sense that Brown maintained a commitment to social justice, but one achieved through the flawed mechanism of neoliberal capitalism. 

Where commendable increases in public spending were made, they came after years of unnecessary fiscal prudence, designed to placate the fiscal conservatism of the British public, who, in reality, simply wanted better funded public services. 

Any increases in welfare spending came at the cost of sacrificing age-old values of universalism, and the arrival of flawed, cruel, and discriminatory systems of means testing. 

For all the accounts of New Labour as the most redistributionist post-war government, such commendable achievements are undermined by its consistent failure to promote these positive developments out of fear of public opinion, leaving popular consensus on public spending unmoved, and neoliberalism’s hegemony untouched. 

We are left to wonder why Blair and Brown, men who appear to have possessed unique abilities to persuade their party to enter uncharted political territory, never attempted the same persuasion on the British public.

As such, New Labour, demonstrated an endemic inability to see beyond the short term, and was constantly subject to crises of its own making.

Control freakery in party management alienated party members, the invasion of Iraq permanently damaged Labour’s image in the eyes of younger voters, and Blair’s own impatient campaign for a lasting legacy after 2005 even alienated enough loyalist support to force his early departure.

And, as bitterly shown by episode five, the ‘Faustian pact’ Labour struck with the City of London, which allowed light-touch regulation in return for higher welfare spending and tax credits, was destroyed by the 2008 financial crisis.

Blair and Brown’s pessimistic hostility to challenging public attitudes on government spending left the government, and Brown in particular, vulnerable to Conservative attack by 2010, and legitimised the culture of austerity that has savaged the country’s social fabric ever since. 

The final emotional scenes of the series, with Brown departing No.10 in gracious defeat, risks portraying him as a martyr to unchallengeable political forces, rather than a victim of his own short-termist policy decisions.

Beyond the soundbites and psychodrama, the real story of New Labour is therefore of a government which came into office on an almost unprecedented wave of public goodwill, hope, and expectation, and following a brief period of real and commendable reform, embarked in a political direction of ever increasing neoliberalisation and foreign adventurism.

This, alongside a culture that made a virtue of spin, deception, and manipulation, eroded support both within the party and across the country.

Perhaps most fundamentally, the culture of political deception, beginning first with the Bernie Ecclestone affair and ending with Iraq, shook the nation’s faith in the integrity of politicians and the political process.

This vacuum of public confidence in establishment politics was subsequently filled by the populist right.

The brief progressive alternative (in the form of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party) was defeated in just five years, not helped least by New Labour’s leaders and most loyal acolytes. It is not clear when a new manifestation of radical politics will re-emerge in any real strength.

Yet, despite the legacy of bitter disappointment and disillusionment, New Labour maintains an ability to hog the media limelight, as the very existence of this series shows.

The monthly public interventions of Tony Blair and the remarkable public rehabilitation of Alistair Campbell are obvious examples, but so too is Gordon Brown’s more recent re-invention as a radical campaigner on issues like Covid, climate change, and devolution.

Much of this comes from a place of deep nostalgia, as the obsession with 1997 best captures: not the actual, real legacies of New Labour’s policies, but the feeling it created.

As Keir Starmer surrounds himself once again with the key personnel of New Labour, and even the very language of its now decades-old soundbites, it’s clear this nostalgia has a firm grip on the party’s very leadership.

The uncomfortable fact remains that New Labour is not the solution to the crises currently facing Labour or the country, but a key cause of them.

Chris Grieve Watch: Day Nine


I have never heard of you, and I was not in Durham last Thursday evening. Or any evening. I am on a tag.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Adam Langleben Watch: Day Nine


I have never heard of you, and "JLM" sounds like a pop group, although not one with which I have ever communicated.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Richard Holden Promotion Watch: Day 32

People have been in touch to ask why I never criticised Richard Holden. But I am highly critical of this Government, of which Richard is the strong supporter that he was elected to be. I like him, not that that has anything to do with politics. I like a lot of what he is doing, or trying to do. He is, however, a political opponent.

The reshuffle has put everything in place for a General Election in May 2023. Yet there is no sign of the name of a loyal, and obviously ambitious, former special adviser to several Cabinet Ministers.

Perhaps he has turned down offers? The alternative is that the composition of the Government is being determined by the Prime Minister's wife. Therefore, Richard needs to be asked the question. He may consider it asked here and now. And every day until further notice.

Labour Candidate Watch: Day 40

40 days after the Cabinet reshuffle that called a General Election for May 2023, there is still no Labour candidate at North West Durham, which in 2019 Labour lost for the first time and by only 1,144 votes.

By contrast, I have been a candidate for North West Durham at the next General Election since even before the last one, fighting to strengthen families and communities by securing economic equality and international peace through the democratic political control of the means to those ends, including national and parliamentary sovereignty. Contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com.  

Or contact nwdclp.campaigns@gmail.com if you wanted permanent austerity at home, if you wanted forever war abroad, and if you did not want a mixed-race MP for this seat. This post will appear daily until someone had proven to be so pro-austerity, so pro-war, and so racist, that even the Labour Party was sufficiently impressed.

The Adrian Hilton Challenge: Day 79

Adrian Hilton, I had to Google you, and I still have little or no idea who you are, so when, exactly, have I ever "stalked" you at all, much less "for longer than [you] care to remember"? 

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Oliver Kamm Challenge: Day 79

Oliver Kamm, whose signature to this do you claim that I forged? Name the name.

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever been found to have accused anyone of child abuse?

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever called for anyone to be murdered?

And Oliver Kamm, since I am a declared and active candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham, are you? If not, why not?

I could go on at very great length, but these questions will do for now.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Representatives Challenge: Day 79

As already stated on the day after my release: "The instant that Labour lost control of Durham County Council, then I was granted an unsolicited tag for more than 10 weeks of future good behaviour. I invite each and every Member of Parliament for the area covered by Durham County Council, each and every member of Durham County Council, and each and every member of Lanchester Parish Council, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know." The current total is zero.

Furthermore, I invite each and every other candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. In this case, names most certainly will be published, including as part of my election literature. The current total is zero. If that remained the case when the next General Election was called, then my literature would state that each and all of my opponents, by name, did not think that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Clergy Challenge: Day 79

I invite each and every bishop, priest and deacon of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

Since, as private citizens, none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West DurhamI invite each and all of the 12 archbishops and diocesan bishops of the Red Wall dioceses of Birmingham, Hallam, Hexham and Newcastle, Lancaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Middlesbrough, Northampton, Nottingham, Salford, Shrewsbury, and Wrexham, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

And since none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West Durham, I invite each and all the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Franciscan Custos of the Holy Land, the Coptic Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Syriac Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarchal Vicar in Jerusalem, the Ethiopian Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Maronite Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Palestine, the Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem, the Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Jordan and the Holy Land, the Syrian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem, and the Armenian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Amman, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

The scandalous allegation against me on 2nd March 2020 was recanted under oath at Durham Crown Court on 11th of that month, calling gravely into question my convictions the next day by exposing that key character witness as unreliable, a fact that was not mentioned in closing statements or in summation. Unless, as is widely assumed, the real reason for them is the content of this book, then the sanctions imposed upon me in my absence on 2nd March 2020 are void. I had not received a written apology by 30th September 2021, nor was any such thing to be published in full in The Northern Cross.

Financially, I would then have settled for the reimbursement of my victim surcharges. One would not wish to have to sue the Church. But while I am not yet in a position to act on it, I must now declare my intention in principle to do so. And if I were to be defeated at the next General Election, then I would seek to have that result overturned in the courts on grounds of undue spiritual influence by the Safeguarding Office of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, naming all relevant persons in the court papers. It has come to this.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

Sunday, 24 October 2021

Prophesy Deliverance: Race Matters

"You remind me of Cornel West, the refusal to be a Marxist because you are a Christian and then the much more radical politics as a result," says a far, far, far too kind comment on an earlier post. Well, yes, I cannot accept dialectical materialism because it is incompatible with incarnational theology. But I contend that that cannot be separated from fidelity to the Petrine Office, and that it is the implications of this that are far more radical than anything that Marxism could ever formulate, much less deliver. 

So I am no Cornel West, although I faintly echo his roaring critique of cancel culture, not that some of us have ever not been cancelled, and of identity politics by reference to class politics. He is also right that one's attitude to the treatment of the Palestinians is one's attitude to the specific phenomenon of white violence anywhere in the world against People of Colour, BAME people, BIPOC people, politically black people, call us what you will. Seen through the lens of the theological critique of capitalism and of its imperialism, of course.

The death of Colin Powell brought out identity politics as the "cutting-edge tool to make the class hierarchy and the imperial hierarchy more colourful with all the talk about diversity and inclusion". First black this, first black that, first black the other. All identity, and no politics. Such is the chosen ground of the "neoliberal disaster" that is Joe Biden and Keir Starmer. Yet we can win on that ground.

For example, I have been a declared and active candidate for this seat of North West Durham at the next General Election since even before the last General Election. There is no Labour candidate for a seat that that party lost by a mere 1,144 votes. But should one ever materialise, then I would have him or her beaten from the start on race. White? The candidate for people who just did not want a mixed-race MP. Black? A comical attempt to out-colour me. Somewhere in between? Some variation on either of those. Exactly my skin tone, with a name exactly as WASP-y as David Alexander Stephen Lindsay? A mere tribute act, the candidate who was as much like me as possible without being me. Any of those ways, I win. I am really, really, really going to enjoy this.

Not Special, But Super

Barbados has just become a republic, because we may have half-forgotten the Windrush scandal in Britain, but the memory of it is going to linger a great deal longer in the Caribbean. And New Zealand has well and truly done us over with that free trade agreement. We need the best possible relations with everywhere. But we have no special relationship with anywhere.

Thankfully, we are well-placed to understand that, since Britain's superdiversity uniquely combines having people from every inhabited territory on earth, having some level of ethnic diversity down to every neighbourhood and village, and having a huge and exponentially increasing mixed-race population in the society that accepts mixed-race people and couples more than anywhere else in the world.

The Parent Trap

John 18:38

As long as it is free, then of course we are all going to join Truth Social. Attempts by Trump supporters to set up rivals to Twitter have failed in the past, but this is an attempt by Donald Trump himself, which is a whole other story. His enemies are reduced to moaning that the likes of Mitch McConnell had beef with him at the moment, as if anyone cared.

Speaking of matters of indifference, Hillary Clinton is plugging her latest book. She was defeated by a barely experienced politician who went on to be a two term President, but who allowed her only one term as Secretary of State. If she and her cronies had not cheated, then she would have been defeated by an old man from outside the party. And then she was indeed defeated by a rank amateur who, in old age, may yet manage a second term.

Chris Grieve Watch: Day Eight


I have never heard of you, and I was not in Durham last Thursday evening. Or any evening. I am on a tag.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Adam Langleben Watch: Day Eight


I have never heard of you, and "JLM" sounds like a pop group, although not one with which I have ever communicated.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Richard Holden Promotion Watch: Day 31

People have been in touch to ask why I never criticised Richard Holden. But I am highly critical of this Government, of which Richard is the strong supporter that he was elected to be. I like him, not that that has anything to do with politics. I like a lot of what he is doing, or trying to do. He is, however, a political opponent.

The reshuffle has put everything in place for a General Election in May 2023. Yet there is no sign of the name of a loyal, and obviously ambitious, former special adviser to several Cabinet Ministers.

Perhaps he has turned down offers? The alternative is that the composition of the Government is being determined by the Prime Minister's wife. Therefore, Richard needs to be asked the question. He may consider it asked here and now. And every day until further notice.

Labour Candidate Watch: Day 39

39 days after the Cabinet reshuffle that called a General Election for May 2023, there is still no Labour candidate at North West Durham, which in 2019 Labour lost for the first time and by only 1,144 votes.

By contrast, I have been a candidate for North West Durham at the next General Election since even before the last one, fighting to strengthen families and communities by securing economic equality and international peace through the democratic political control of the means to those ends, including national and parliamentary sovereignty. Contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com.  

Or contact nwdclp.campaigns@gmail.com if you wanted permanent austerity at home, if you wanted forever war abroad, and if you did not want a mixed-race MP for this seat. This post will appear daily until someone had proven to be so pro-austerity, so pro-war, and so racist, that even the Labour Party was sufficiently impressed.

The Adrian Hilton Challenge: Day 78

Adrian Hilton, I had to Google you, and I still have little or no idea who you are, so when, exactly, have I ever "stalked" you at all, much less "for longer than [you] care to remember"? 

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Oliver Kamm Challenge: Day 78

Oliver Kamm, whose signature to this do you claim that I forged? Name the name.

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever been found to have accused anyone of child abuse?

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever called for anyone to be murdered?

And Oliver Kamm, since I am a declared and active candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham, are you? If not, why not?

I could go on at very great length, but these questions will do for now.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Representatives Challenge: Day 78

As already stated on the day after my release: "The instant that Labour lost control of Durham County Council, then I was granted an unsolicited tag for more than 10 weeks of future good behaviour. I invite each and every Member of Parliament for the area covered by Durham County Council, each and every member of Durham County Council, and each and every member of Lanchester Parish Council, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know." The current total is zero.

Furthermore, I invite each and every other candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. In this case, names most certainly will be published, including as part of my election literature. The current total is zero. If that remained the case when the next General Election was called, then my literature would state that each and all of my opponents, by name, did not think that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Clergy Challenge: Day 78

I invite each and every bishop, priest and deacon of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

Since, as private citizens, none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West DurhamI invite each and all of the 12 archbishops and diocesan bishops of the Red Wall dioceses of Birmingham, Hallam, Hexham and Newcastle, Lancaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Middlesbrough, Northampton, Nottingham, Salford, Shrewsbury, and Wrexham, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

And since none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West Durham, I invite each and all the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Franciscan Custos of the Holy Land, the Coptic Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Syriac Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarchal Vicar in Jerusalem, the Ethiopian Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Maronite Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Palestine, the Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem, the Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Jordan and the Holy Land, the Syrian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem, and the Armenian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Amman, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

The scandalous allegation against me on 2nd March 2020 was recanted under oath at Durham Crown Court on 11th of that month, calling gravely into question my convictions the next day by exposing that key character witness as unreliable, a fact that was not mentioned in closing statements or in summation. Unless, as is widely assumed, the real reason for them is the content of this book, then the sanctions imposed upon me in my absence on 2nd March 2020 are void. I had not received a written apology by 30th September 2021, nor was any such thing to be published in full in The Northern Cross.

Financially, I would then have settled for the reimbursement of my victim surcharges. One would not wish to have to sue the Church. But while I am not yet in a position to act on it, I must now declare my intention in principle to do so. And if I were to be defeated at the next General Election, then I would seek to have that result overturned in the courts on grounds of undue spiritual influence by the Safeguarding Office of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, naming all relevant persons in the court papers. It has come to this.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

Saturday, 23 October 2021

Radical Routes

Most of the Red Wall seats are not in the "city regions", and many of them, such as here, have suffered catastrophic cuts to public transport, in our case by a Labour council.

But the need for public transport under some form of public control, with its cheap fares guaranteed by the State, has now been accepted by everyone. Well, everyone apart from the Labour Party.

And who cares about that? Even most of the people who were members of it on the day that its present Leader assumed office have now decided very firmly not to vote for it at the next General Election.

Stay Away From The Trap

In the House of Lords debate on euthanasia, Lord Carlile of Berriew QC pointed out that the Bill would have given to a High Court judge in the Family Division such power over life and death as no judge in this country had enjoyed since the abolition of capital punishment.

As is possible in the Lords, the Bill was then given a Second Reading without a Division, meaning that its own proposer expected it to fail at a later stage when a vote would have to be held.

After all, no one, including eminent members of the Bar, wants to give judges the power of life and death.

Across The Waters

There was a very large demonstration in London today in support of Julian Assange, ahead of his extradition hearing next week.

At 7pm their time tomorrow (Sunday), this event may be watched from New York, featuring everyone from Cornel West to Roger Waters.

Solidarity Forever

Maria Wilczek writes:

Thousands of miners demonstrated outside of the EU’s top court in Luxembourg against its decision to fine Poland €500,000 a day for refusing to close a coalmine.

The miners shouted “close the tribunal” outside the European Court of Justice headquarters over the ruling passed last month against the Turow mine, near the border with the Czech Republic, after complaints from Prague that its operation was harming the environment.

“We will set Europe on fire . . . in our hearts, to resist those idiots who want to make thousands of people unemployed,” called Piotr Duda, the head of the Solidarity trade union co-ordinating the event. 

“Let them be afraid. Let them know that their decision is unacceptable to us,” he told the crowd of people waving union banners and wearing yellow vests bearing the words “Hands off Turow”.

The miners, regarded as fierce demonstrators in Poland, were met by about 840 police officers equipped with military vehicles and water cannon. Coils of barbed wire had been put up around the court building. 

The two thousand protesters who arrived in night buses from Poland this morning were joined by Polish MEPs from the country’s ruling Law and Justice (PiS), who walked to the Czech embassy to present a petition.

Anna Zalewskak, 56, one of the PiS MEPs present, singled out the European Commission’s vice-president.

“We do not agree with what [Frans] Timmermans is saying, who wants to destroy the world in which we live,” she said.

The demonstration comes amid a wider and longstanding legal conflict between the Luxembourg judges and Poland’s government, as well as during an EU leaders summit about an emissions reduction plan, Fit for 55, contested by countries including coal-fired Poland.

However, the country’s miners have become enraged by a European court order on September 20 that puts financial pressure on Poland to suspend mining at the Turow operation, which employs about 1,250 people. 

The government argued that closing the mine, which supplies a power station generating up to 7 per cent of Poland’s electricity, would jeopardise its energy security. 

But that defiance has now cost the country more than €16 million in daily fines and pressure is piling to reach an agreement with its neighbour. 

This is becoming increasingly problematic for Warsaw, which called Prague “irrational” after talks broke down at the start of the month. 

The Polish environment ministry also said this week that it was investigating environmental concerns regarding a Czech-owned mine in Germany, which supplied the country’s third-largest power plant in J√§nschwalde, which could serve as grounds to counter-sue. 

Miner protests in Poland have in the past turned violent, with a number ending in fights with police, as well as firecrackers being thrown around and slabs of pavement being ripped out in Warsaw.

Chris Grieve Watch: Day Seven


I have never heard of you, and I was not in Durham last Thursday evening. Or any evening. I am on a tag.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Adam Langleben Watch: Day Seven


I have never heard of you, and "JLM" sounds like a pop group, although not one with which I have ever communicated.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Richard Holden Promotion Watch: Day 30

People have been in touch to ask why I never criticised Richard Holden. But I am highly critical of this Government, of which Richard is the strong supporter that he was elected to be. I like him, not that that has anything to do with politics. I like a lot of what he is doing, or trying to do. He is, however, a political opponent.

The reshuffle has put everything in place for a General Election in May 2023. Yet there is no sign of the name of a loyal, and obviously ambitious, former special adviser to several Cabinet Ministers.

Perhaps he has turned down offers? The alternative is that the composition of the Government is being determined by the Prime Minister's wife. Therefore, Richard needs to be asked the question. He may consider it asked here and now. And every day until further notice.

Labour Candidate Watch: Day 38

38 days after the Cabinet reshuffle that called a General Election for May 2023, there is still no Labour candidate at North West Durham, which in 2019 Labour lost for the first time and by only 1,144 votes.

By contrast, I have been a candidate for North West Durham at the next General Election since even before the last one, fighting to strengthen families and communities by securing economic equality and international peace through the democratic political control of the means to those ends, including national and parliamentary sovereignty. Contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com.  

Or contact nwdclp.campaigns@gmail.com if you wanted permanent austerity at home, if you wanted forever war abroad, and if you did not want a mixed-race MP for this seat. This post will appear daily until someone had proven to be so pro-austerity, so pro-war, and so racist, that even the Labour Party was sufficiently impressed.

The Adrian Hilton Challenge: Day 77

Adrian Hilton, I had to Google you, and I still have little or no idea who you are, so when, exactly, have I ever "stalked" you at all, much less "for longer than [you] care to remember"? 

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Oliver Kamm Challenge: Day 77

Oliver Kamm, whose signature to this do you claim that I forged? Name the name.

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever been found to have accused anyone of child abuse?

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever called for anyone to be murdered?

And Oliver Kamm, since I am a declared and active candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham, are you? If not, why not?

I could go on at very great length, but these questions will do for now.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Representatives Challenge: Day 77

As already stated on the day after my release: "The instant that Labour lost control of Durham County Council, then I was granted an unsolicited tag for more than 10 weeks of future good behaviour. I invite each and every Member of Parliament for the area covered by Durham County Council, each and every member of Durham County Council, and each and every member of Lanchester Parish Council, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know." The current total is zero.

Furthermore, I invite each and every other candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. In this case, names most certainly will be published, including as part of my election literature. The current total is zero. If that remained the case when the next General Election was called, then my literature would state that each and all of my opponents, by name, did not think that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Clergy Challenge: Day 77

I invite each and every bishop, priest and deacon of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

Since, as private citizens, none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West DurhamI invite each and all of the 12 archbishops and diocesan bishops of the Red Wall dioceses of Birmingham, Hallam, Hexham and Newcastle, Lancaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Middlesbrough, Northampton, Nottingham, Salford, Shrewsbury, and Wrexham, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

And since none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West Durham, I invite each and all the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Franciscan Custos of the Holy Land, the Coptic Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Syriac Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarchal Vicar in Jerusalem, the Ethiopian Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Maronite Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Palestine, the Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem, the Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Jordan and the Holy Land, the Syrian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem, and the Armenian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Amman, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

The scandalous allegation against me on 2nd March 2020 was recanted under oath at Durham Crown Court on 11th of that month, calling gravely into question my convictions the next day by exposing that key character witness as unreliable, a fact that was not mentioned in closing statements or in summation. Unless, as is widely assumed, the real reason for them is the content of this book, then the sanctions imposed upon me in my absence on 2nd March 2020 are void. I had not received a written apology by 30th September 2021, nor was any such thing to be published in full in The Northern Cross.

Financially, I would then have settled for the reimbursement of my victim surcharges. One would not wish to have to sue the Church. But while I am not yet in a position to act on it, I must now declare my intention in principle to do so. And if I were to be defeated at the next General Election, then I would seek to have that result overturned in the courts on grounds of undue spiritual influence by the Safeguarding Office of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, naming all relevant persons in the court papers. It has come to this.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

Friday, 22 October 2021

Well and Truly Jannered

If I and all 413 of my supporters had voted Labour, and some of them would rather have died, then Richard Holden would still have beaten Laura Pidcock. In what sense did I stand against her, in particular? As much as anything else, my eventual candidacy for this seat had been universally expected here since she was a small child elsewhere.

And what if Laura had won? What would she have done? Would she have resigned the whip in solidarity with Jeremy Corbyn? No MP has done that, not even John McDonnell or Diane Abbott.

Nor would any of them do so if the Parliamentary Labour Party succeeded in banning him from ever again receiving the Labour whip, and thus from seeking reelection as a Labour candidate. Meanwhile, there would nothing in principle to prevent the war criminal Tony Blair from seeking election for Labour.

On what grounds are Corbyn's enemies, which is how they define their entire political identity, seeking to cast him into outer darkness after 38 years in the House of Commons and 56 in the Labour Party? The whole anti-Semitism business has been blown apart by the transition from open secret to openly stated fact in the case of Greville Janner.

Although his proclivities have been common knowledge for 70 years, Janner controlled the Board of Deputies for most of his life, and it is still run by people who owe their positions to his patronage. 

That influence fans out through and as the Jewish Leadership Council, the Community Security Trust, the Campaign Against Antisemitism, or any of that crowd, including the official Jewish media, including the Israeli Embassy, including the Jewish Labour Movement and Labour Friends of Israel, and including at least two of Janner's children.

Part of the Leicester machine of Sir Mark Henig, Janner handed over his Commons seat to Patricia Hewitt of the Paedophile Information Exchange, who had banned the use of the word "equality" by platform speakers at Labour Party Conferences.

The Hard Rights of both main parties, and the Cyril Smith wing that is dominant in economic policy terms within the Liberal Democrats, are so shot through with the sexual abuse of children that they are more or less defined by it. And like illegal drug use, sexual behaviour is never purely "private". Both of them open up the participants to the blackmail that is fundamental to political power in this country.

Moreover, the intellectual contortions necessary to justify them in the minds of those participants have vast philosophical and political consequences, taking those minds from a broadly Conservative or Labour position to an explicitly Thatcherite or Blairite one.

We saw an example today, with Stephen Doughty's attempt to score diazepam from a constituent. The first time that anyone ever heard of Doughty was when he resigned live on air from Corbyn's frontbench by arrangement with Laura Kuenssberg, who had thus manufactured her own news. Doughty would have dropped his trousers if he had been told to do so. He was that desperate for media approval.

On Politics Live on 7th October last year, Doughty told Kuenssberg that, "You know how these things work, the Government has a majority of 80," so there was no reason for the Opposition to turn up and vote on legislation. Well, in that case, then the Opposition ought not to be paid. At the very least, Short Money should be divided equally among those MPs who could indeed be bothered to provide an Opposition.

Intentionally or otherwise, and for all his faults, Jeremy Corbyn threatened to destroy that Blairite lifestyle by creating an economic order in which no one would have felt the need to become a drug mule, or a rent boy, or anything like that.

Therefore terrified of economic equality, such lifestyle liberals as the Equality and Human Rights Commission, which also had and has close ties to Janner's official circle, turned on Corbyn as no one had turned on any other British politician in living memory. And here we are.

Who Do You Say?

The DUP runs the Ministry of Education in Northern Ireland, which talks about "people who menstruate" because "not everyone who menstruates identifies as female", while the dying Frank Field has had a statement read out to the House of Lords, "strongly in favour" of euthanasia. How have they come to this?

All error is Christological. There is Christological error in the Catholic Church, but it can never be the position of the Magisterium, which, on the contrary, vigorously corrects it. By contrast, certain schismatic Eastern bodies remain at least sympathetic to Nestorianism or to Monophysitism, in every case in explicit rejection of a corresponding Eastern Catholic Church. Within Eastern Orthodoxy, the theories of Sergei Bulgakov and Panagiotis Trembelas are only the latest in a long, long line, with no one to correct them definitively.

Classical Protestantism is founded on a merely forensic understanding of justification, according to which righteousness in purely imputed, and not also imparted. That is incompatible with the Chalcedonian Definition, since the full divinity and the full humanity of Jesus make His words and deeds exemplary of what human nature can achieve in that perfect union with God towards which the Church offers constant progress through Her ministry of Word and Sacrament.

Not for nothing are the following the fifty-fifth question and answer of John Calvin's Geneva Catechism of 1541, on the question of why, ostensibly, the Apostles' Creed goes straight from "born of the Virgin Mary" to "suffered under Pontius Pilate": "Why do you go immediately from His Birth to His Death, passing over the whole history of His Life? Because nothing is said here but what pertains properly to the substance of our redemption."

Even the corresponding passage of the Heidelberg Catechism of 1563, preferred by Karl Barth, will not do: "What do you understand by the word "suffered"? That all the time of His life on earth, but especially at the end of it, He bore, in body and soul, the Wrath of God against the sin of the whole human race."

In reality, the "long middle" manifests the Incarnation, it providentially incites the Passion, it is confirmed by the Resurrection and the Ascension, it anticipates the Second Coming, and it is absolutely central to the Church's work of evangelisation and catechesis, not least as the Source and Summit of that work, the Holy Mass, is celebrated through the liturgical year, feeding us by Word and Sacrament to progress constantly towards the full potential of human nature in perfect union with God, as demonstrated by the words and deeds of Jesus Christ, True God and True Man.

Liberal Protestants see Jesus as the human being most conscious of God, at least to date. That is capable of completion as the recognition that He is unique in being completely so conscious, due to His human nature's union with the Logos in a single Hypostasis. But in itself, it is not sufficient. It does not meet humanity's need of a Saviour Who is both fully human and fully divine.

And since 1889, most Anglo-Catholics have been Christological heretics, subscribing as they do to Kenoticism, which, in separating certain Divine Attributes from the others and from the Divine Essence, overthrows theism itself. This is done in capitulation to the claim of Biblical criticism to final authority. And that amounts to a denial that the Authorship of God's written Word is both fully human and fully divine, which can only be a denial that the Person of God's Incarnate Word is both fully human and fully divine.

I have already noticed Kenoticism in at least one publication of the Ordinariate, but the remedy is readily to hand. The Chalcedonian Definition is the Holy Spirit's definitive answer to the Incarnate Word's perennially normative question, "Who do you say that I am?" It is the only logically sustainable interpretation of Saint Peter's immediate reply to that question. And we all know what Jesus, in turn, said in immediate reply to that.

The scandalous allegation against me on 2nd March 2020 was recanted under oath at Durham Crown Court on 11th of that month, calling gravely into question my convictions the next day by exposing that key character witness as unreliable, a fact that was not mentioned in closing statements or in summation. Unless, as is widely assumed, the real reason for them is the content of this book, then the sanctions imposed upon me in my absence on 2nd March 2020 are void. I had not received a written apology by 30th September 2021, nor was any such thing to be published in full in The Northern Cross.

Financially, I would then have settled for the reimbursement of my victim surcharges. One would not wish to have to sue the Church. But while I am not yet in a position to act on it, I must now declare my intention in principle to do so. And if I were to be defeated at the next General Election, then I would seek to have that result overturned in the courts on grounds of undue spiritual influence by the Safeguarding Office of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, naming all relevant persons in the court papers. It has come to this.

Chris Grieve Watch: Day Six


I have never heard of you, and I was not in Durham last Thursday evening. Or any evening. I am on a tag.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Adam Langleben Watch: Day Six


I have never heard of you, and "JLM" sounds like a pop group, although not one with which I have ever communicated.

Why do people feel the need to suck up to Kamm like this?

This post will appear daily until you account for yourself.

Richard Holden Promotion Watch: Day 29

People have been in touch to ask why I never criticised Richard Holden. But I am highly critical of this Government, of which Richard is the strong supporter that he was elected to be. I like him, not that that has anything to do with politics. I like a lot of what he is doing, or trying to do. He is, however, a political opponent.

The reshuffle has put everything in place for a General Election in May 2023. Yet there is no sign of the name of a loyal, and obviously ambitious, former special adviser to several Cabinet Ministers.

Perhaps he has turned down offers? The alternative is that the composition of the Government is being determined by the Prime Minister's wife. Therefore, Richard needs to be asked the question. He may consider it asked here and now. And every day until further notice.

Labour Candidate Watch: Day 37

37 days after the Cabinet reshuffle that called a General Election for May 2023, there is still no Labour candidate at North West Durham, which in 2019 Labour lost for the first time and by only 1,144 votes.

By contrast, I have been a candidate for North West Durham at the next General Election since even before the last one, fighting to strengthen families and communities by securing economic equality and international peace through the democratic political control of the means to those ends, including national and parliamentary sovereignty. Contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com.  

Or contact nwdclp.campaigns@gmail.com if you wanted permanent austerity at home, if you wanted forever war abroad, and if you did not want a mixed-race MP for this seat. This post will appear daily until someone had proven to be so pro-austerity, so pro-war, and so racist, that even the Labour Party was sufficiently impressed.

The Adrian Hilton Challenge: Day 76

Adrian Hilton, I had to Google you, and I still have little or no idea who you are, so when, exactly, have I ever "stalked" you at all, much less "for longer than [you] care to remember"? 

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Oliver Kamm Challenge: Day 76

Oliver Kamm, whose signature to this do you claim that I forged? Name the name.

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever been found to have accused anyone of child abuse?

Oliver Kamm, when, exactly, have I ever called for anyone to be murdered?

And Oliver Kamm, since I am a declared and active candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham, are you? If not, why not?

I could go on at very great length, but these questions will do for now.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Representatives Challenge: Day 76

As already stated on the day after my release: "The instant that Labour lost control of Durham County Council, then I was granted an unsolicited tag for more than 10 weeks of future good behaviour. I invite each and every Member of Parliament for the area covered by Durham County Council, each and every member of Durham County Council, and each and every member of Lanchester Parish Council, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know." The current total is zero.

Furthermore, I invite each and every other candidate for the parliamentary seat of North West Durham to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if they thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. In this case, names most certainly will be published, including as part of my election literature. The current total is zero. If that remained the case when the next General Election was called, then my literature would state that each and all of my opponents, by name, did not think that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me.

This post will appear daily until further notice.

The Clergy Challenge: Day 76

I invite each and every bishop, priest and deacon of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

Since, as private citizens, none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West DurhamI invite each and all of the 12 archbishops and diocesan bishops of the Red Wall dioceses of Birmingham, Hallam, Hexham and Newcastle, Lancaster, Leeds, Liverpool, Middlesbrough, Northampton, Nottingham, Salford, Shrewsbury, and Wrexham, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

And since none of them has resigned as a Patron of my parliamentary campaign at North West Durham, I invite each and all the Greek Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem, the Franciscan Custos of the Holy Land, the Coptic Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Syriac Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Melkite Greek Catholic Patriarchal Vicar in Jerusalem, the Ethiopian Orthodox Archbishop of Jerusalem, the Maronite Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Palestine, the Anglican Archbishop in Jerusalem, the Bishop of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Jordan and the Holy Land, the Syrian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem, and the Armenian Catholic Patriarchal Exarch of Jerusalem and Amman, to contact davidaslindsay@hotmail.com if he thought that I was factually or morally guilty of any criminal charge that had ever been brought against me. Not legally guilty; Bill Cosby is legally innocent. Factually and morally guilty. No name would be published except at the request of its bearer, but if anyone ever did get in touch, then the readers of this site would be the first to know. The current total is zero.

The scandalous allegation against me on 2nd March 2020 was recanted under oath at Durham Crown Court on 11th of that month, calling gravely into question my convictions the next day by exposing that key character witness as unreliable, a fact that was not mentioned in closing statements or in summation. Unless, as is widely assumed, the real reason for them is the content of this book, then the sanctions imposed upon me in my absence on 2nd March 2020 are void. I had not received a written apology by 30th September 2021, nor was any such thing to be published in full in The Northern Cross.

Financially, I would then have settled for the reimbursement of my victim surcharges. One would not wish to have to sue the Church. But while I am not yet in a position to act on it, I must now declare my intention in principle to do so. And if I were to be defeated at the next General Election, then I would seek to have that result overturned in the courts on grounds of undue spiritual influence by the Safeguarding Office of the Diocese of Hexham and Newcastle, naming all relevant persons in the court papers. It has come to this.

This post will appear daily until further notice.