Matthew Turner writes:
Labour grandees have
been prodding him since his coronation as Labour leader
to campaign more vigorously to remain in an institution which he clearly
disagrees with.
It is a shame that the party machine has managed to quash his Bennite tendencies on the matter.
It is a shame that the party machine has managed to quash his Bennite tendencies on the matter.
After all,
he voted against membership in 1975 and opposed the subsequent Maastricht and
Lisbon treaties.
Considering how many votes Labour lost to Ukip in the general election, not to mention the fact he is renowned for his principled politics, Corbyn could be doing marginally better in polls and approval ratings if he decided to stick to his guns.
Considering how many votes Labour lost to Ukip in the general election, not to mention the fact he is renowned for his principled politics, Corbyn could be doing marginally better in polls and approval ratings if he decided to stick to his guns.
His natural Euroscepticism reflects public
opinion across Britain more closely than the views of his colleagues on the
soft left.
Corbyn’s hands, however, were tied.
The consensus among the Parliamentary Labour Party and party membership is that an In vote on 23 June is the right way to go.
The consensus among the Parliamentary Labour Party and party membership is that an In vote on 23 June is the right way to go.
A break from that could have been fatal for
what is left of party unity.
That does not mean the leftist base upon which Corbyn has
built his power will follow him blindly into a position they – and he –
used to stand against.
There is a
left-wing case for leaving the European Union, and Corbyn would have been the
perfect candidate to make the democratic case for Brexit.
Alas, the public will
be ruthlessly stripped of the proper debate they deserve.
In Corbyn’s own words, TTIP
negotiations “are rooms on either side of the Atlantic stuffed full of highly
effective corporate lobbyists doing their best to develop their own interests”.
Over the summer of 2015 we saw the Troika’s brutal treatment of Greece and
according to Yanis Varoufakis, there was a “point blank to refusal to engage in
economic arguments” and that he “might as well have sung the Swedish national
anthem”.
If that is the approach the
European Union is committed to, why should we be confident that we can work
together and negotiate with Europe?
Labour’s official position on
Europe is short-sighted and frail.
The safety net of the EU could be more
desirable than a rampant Conservative government, but the idea that we’re going
to have right-wing national governments forever and need a neoliberal Europe as
a mainstay for worker’s rights is disingenuous and defeatist.
Kate Hoey, Labour MP for Vauxhall
and co-founder of the Grassroots Out campaign, is correct to state that most of
the rights British workers enjoy were fought for by the British labour
movement, not doled out by the EU.
I can admit that Corbyn’s vision for a social Europe is
compelling, desirable and persuasive. But progressives need to consider that
the utopian Europe he is describing isn’t on the ballot in June.
The rise of Corbyn over the
summer of 2015 was based on a rejection of incremental change to a corrupt,
debauched system and laying the foundation for a new and better path instead.
We should apply this same leap of faith to the EU referendum.
The Europe Corbyn describes is
nothing but a naïve pipedream – and he knows it.
We have seen, time and time
again, that the undemocratic configuration of the EU means that the union is
built to resist a radical, progressive deviation from neoliberalism.
And
that is why, despite being an ardent supporter of his leadership, I won’t be
following Corbyn on 23 June.
I’ll be voting to leave.
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