Matthew Parris pointed out last year that none of Ed Miliband's programme would have been regarded as at all extreme if the Conservative Party had advanced it. As we now see.
The same is true of Jeremy Corbyn's 10 points, several of which are only not being implemented by Theresa May either because she herself is too doctrinaire and unpragmatic, or because she knows that her party is.
On rail nationalisation, in particular, that is not even loyalty to the legacy of Margaret Thatcher. It is, for some reason, loyalty to the legacy of John Major.
I have been sent TUSC's not very Trotskyist "five key pledges" at last year's General Election. I have highlighted the parts that are now Labour Party policy:
End cuts and austerity. For a democratic socialist society run in the interests of the millions not the billionaires.
Trade union rights to fight low pay. £10 an hour minimum wage now, scrap zero hour contracts.
A mass council home building programme and immediate introduction of rent controls.
Scrap student fees. Free education as a right for all.
For democratic public ownership of the National Health Service, railways, public services, utilities and banks.
Frankly, several of those would not be regarded as at all extreme if the Conservative Party advanced them, either.
If advanced by Labour, any of them could expect to be described as "impractical", rather than as wrong in principle.
The Conservatives would then concentrate on devising and implementing more "practical" versions of them.
I have been sent TUSC's not very Trotskyist "five key pledges" at last year's General Election. I have highlighted the parts that are now Labour Party policy:
End cuts and austerity. For a democratic socialist society run in the interests of the millions not the billionaires.
Trade union rights to fight low pay. £10 an hour minimum wage now, scrap zero hour contracts.
A mass council home building programme and immediate introduction of rent controls.
Scrap student fees. Free education as a right for all.
For democratic public ownership of the National Health Service, railways, public services, utilities and banks.
Frankly, several of those would not be regarded as at all extreme if the Conservative Party advanced them, either.
If advanced by Labour, any of them could expect to be described as "impractical", rather than as wrong in principle.
The Conservatives would then concentrate on devising and implementing more "practical" versions of them.
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