Before speaking at a Camden rally that had to be held four times, having filled a large hall and two overspill rooms before Corbyn and the others had to address the crowds outside from a fire engine, so that in all at least 2500 people heard them, Owen Jones wrote:
How have the Labour left, from arguably
its lowest ebb in the party’s history, apparently ended up on the brink of
taking the leadership on a wave of support?
If you listen to many
self-described “centre-left” voices, it’s because the Labour party has gone quite,
quite mad.
Cod psychology now abounds to describe the rise of
Corbynism: narcissism, people wanting to show off how
right-on they are on Facebook, mass delusion, an emotional spasm, and so on.
Corbyn supporters are having a temper tantrum against the electorate, so this
patronising narrative goes, they think voters have “false consciousness” on a
grand scale.
Some sort of mass psychological disorder has gripped one of the
great parties of the left in the western world, and the only real debate is how
it must be cured or eradicated.
And the tragedy is this: the great
“centre-left” condescenders are able to identify any factor for Corbyn’s
spectacular rise other than the culprit: their own political cause, or rather
its implosion.
Some of these commentators huddle together on social
media, competing over how snarky and belittling they can be towards those
oh-so-childish/unhinged/ridiculous (delete as applicable) Corbynites, unable to
understand that rare thing, the birth of a genuinely grassroots political
movement.
And that’s the problem: this snarkiness is all some seem to have
left.
Much of the self-described “centre-left” – I’d say Blairism, but some embrace the label more than
others – now lack a clear vision, or a set of policies, or even a coherent
distinct set of values.
They increasingly define themselves against what they
regard as a deluded, childish left. They have created a vacuum and it has now
been filled by the Corbyn left.
Their plight is quite
straightforward.
The battered remnants of the left in the 1990s – cowed by the
global onward march of free-marketeers – often critiqued New Labour as being
indistinguishable from Toryism. “Tory Blair” and all that.
They were wrong,
despite the terrible failures and even disasters of New Labour, from the Iraq
war to deregulation of the City.
New Labour delivered large-scale public
investment, in contrast to the underinvestment that characterised Thatcherism.
That would mean not only more money for health and education, but also
transformative projects like SureStart.
The public sector would be expanded. The state would set a floor in workers’ paypackets, in the form of the minimum
wage.
Tthe gap between low pay and the reality of life would be subsidised
through tax credits; child poverty would be confronted. LGBT people would be
emancipated from legal harassment and discrimination.
New Labour may have accepted many of the underlying
assumptions of Thatcherism, but it clearly had a vision that was distinct from
that of the Tories.
But then the struggle of LGBT people compelled even the Tory leadership to accept their equality before the law.
George Osborne may
have legislated to make the working poor poorer, but his pledge of a £9 minimum wage by 2020outbid Ed Miliband’s paltry offer by a pound.
The Labour leadership
supported a scaling back of tax credits and a benefit cap that will achieve
nothing but an increase in child poverty.
Austerity has been embraced, and
Labour’s past spending record renounced.
What is left for the New
Labourites to call for that is distinctive? As things stand, very little.
If
you are a budding New Labourite, there are plenty of prominent media
commentators to look to for inspiration.
But while you may find an abundance of
negativity, sneer, and pseudo-Freudian psychoanalysis, you’ll struggle to find
any coherent vision.
The thoughtful Blairite blogger Stephen Bush was asked on Twitter:
“Have we reached a point where the purposes for which the Labour party was
created have largely been achieved?”
His response – and not to damn him,
because he implicitly challenges New Labourites to come up with a reason to
exist – summed up why his fellow travellers have rendered themselves
politically superfluous: “Arguably.”
We may have experienced the longest period of falling real pay since the 19th century, hundreds of thousands of the citizens of one of the world’s richest economies driven to food banks, a housing crisis that increasingly consumes the ambitions of the next generation, growing insecurity marking the work lives of middle-income and low-income Britons alike.
We may have experienced the longest period of falling real pay since the 19th century, hundreds of thousands of the citizens of one of the world’s richest economies driven to food banks, a housing crisis that increasingly consumes the ambitions of the next generation, growing insecurity marking the work lives of middle-income and low-income Britons alike.
But no, the very
founding basis of Labour is “arguably” redundant, according to this prominent
Blairite writer.
And so here is the irony.
And so here is the irony.
The
radical left has often been critiqued – including by me – for offering little
but slogans, normally about stopping something bad like cuts or privatisation.
And yet Corbyn’s campaign has been unique in the Labour leadership campaign in
actually offering coherent policies and a fleshed-out economic strategy: a
radical housing programme; tax justice; democratic public ownership of
utilities and services; a public investment bank to transform the economy;
quantitative easing to invest in desperately needed infrastructure; a £10
minimum wage; a National Education Service; a costed abolition of tuition fees;
women’s rights; and so on.
His campaign is making astounding headway – against
the odds – because it offers a coherent, inspiring and, crucially, a hopeful
vision.
His rivals offer little of any substance. What’s left for them?
Social democracy across Europe has accepted the
underlying principles of austerity and it is crumbling in multiple directions:
towards civic nationalism, like the SNP; anti-immigration parties, like Ukip,
the National Front in France and the True Finns in Finland; and leftwing
populism, like Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece.
Unlike, say, Spain,
France and Greece, Britain has no tradition of a mass political force to the
left of the main social-democratic party, so it is not surprising our
anti-austerity left movement is emerging within Labour itself.
Yes, profound
societal changes are also at work here but that “social democracy” or the
“centre-left” or whatever you want to call it has lost its purpose and is
disintegrating in favour of other political forces seems pretty indisputable.
If those in the self-described
“centre-left” offered a coherent, inspiring vision, the Corbyn phenomenon would
never have happened. They have failed to develop one.
If they want to regain
momentum within their own party – let alone win over the country – they should
sideline the voices of negativity and learn how to inspire people.
And however
much they resort to cod psychology or sneering about the Corbyn phenomenon, the
truth remains: they made it possible.
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