Kevin Meagher writes:
Northern Ireland is a place apart, we all know that much.
Normal rules don’t apply. Things are done differently. Political gravity, as we
understand it, doesn’t hold.
Or perhaps it didn’t.
If there was any justice, the
phrase ‘First Minister Arlene Foster’ would already be written in the past
tense.
The scandal Mrs Foster finds herself embroiled in – the fallout from the
anodyne-sounding Renewable Heat Incentive – is a proper Grade A political
scandal.
If this was Westminster, she would be politically dead
and buried.
The Renewable Heat Incentive, launched in 2012 while
Foster was enterprise minister, was a cut-down version of British scheme to
subsidise non-domestic customers – farms and businesses – in switching to
wooden pellet-burning biomass boilers instead of oil.
The fairly elementary flaw in Northern Ireland’s version
was a lack of cost controls.
As the Auditor General succinctly put it, there
was ‘no upper limit on the amount of energy that would be
paid for. The more heat that is generated, the more is paid.’
It’s worth pointing out that Northern Ireland only has
1.8 million inhabitants – a population around the size of Hampshire.
It’s the
equivalent of a UK energy minister ballsing-up a scheme that saddled UK
taxpayers with a £24bn liability.
So a classic case of the minister in charge needing to
quit?
You might think so. But this is Northern Ireland and,
well, reread the first paragraph.
But this scandal – and the crisis it has produced – is
different.
This time the issue in contention is not a threat to the
peace process, or down to irreconcilable differences between unionists and
nationalists (as it was over welfare cuts in 2015).
This is a case of
bog-standard, garden-variety, run-of-the-mill administrative and political
incompetence where the penalty – rightly – is a ministerial scalp.
Northern Ireland is now big enough to lose a First
Minister because of ineptitude alone.
The DUP is, however, loath to concede
this point, making public displays of backing Foster.
The next few days will
reveal how sincere they are.
If events take a turn for the worse; if, say,
incriminating emails surface proving Foster was warned about the scheme, or if
its shown DUP supporters disproportionately benefited from it (and you can
rest assured every journalist in Northern Ireland is checking to see); then it
will surely be curtains for her.
What’s also different this time is there are no winners
on the other side of the politico-sectarian divide.
Sinn Fein has done
everything possible to be helpful to Foster.
The party refused to back the
assembly’s motion of no confidence in her, which resulted in a messy stalemate.
Deputy First Minister (in reality, joint FM) Martin
McGuinness was arguing Foster should step aside and allow an investigation as
early as last week in order to take some of the heat out of the issue.
In a rambling, indulgent and largely incoherent speech to the assembly, after all the other
parties had walked out in protest, Foster conceded this point.
So there will
now be a process that will keep this issue running, while the bad blood in the
assembly caused by Foster’s inept handling of this crisis may yet precipitate
fresh elections.
Yet only last May Foster led the DUP to their
joint best ever performance in the assembly elections.
Unfortunately, she has
burned her reputation for political competence faster than those wood pellets
and it’s unlikely the DUP will fare as well next time.
Ultimately, this mess is a test of the maturity of
Northern Ireland’s political structures and whether the system can lose Foster
without broader fallout.
It can.
And it should.
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