Mark Almond writes:
The £400 million palace of Turkey’s President Erdogan is the biggest in the world. It is
also a monstrosity.
Thirty times the size of the White House, all the seats of
government of Turkey’s Nato allies could be contained inside its vast marble
halls and endless corridors.
No wonder the sprawling modernist
structure is compared to the People’s Palace built by Romania’s dictator
Nicolae Ceausescu.
It actually looks more like a massive public lavatory.
Saddam himself would blanch at the silk wallpaper in the bathrooms, the cabinets
displaying gold inlaid glasses that cost £250 each, and the 63 lifts.
The
carpet bill was a staggering £7.8 million.
It was here that blood was shed
during the botched coup.
And it is in its absurd dimensions that we can learn
so much about the overweening, ego-inflated ambitions of its prime resident –
and, more critically, of the dangerous consequences of the failed putsch.
The
stakes could scarcely be higher.
From his humble beginnings, Recep
Tayyip Erdogan’s rise to the top ought to be a classic heart-warming story.
But
his taste in mega-architecture reflects a personality that has more in common
with the most grandiose of Ottoman Sultans.
The high-handed way in which he
overrode normal rules and budgets to push through his gigantic living memorial
is why critics call him an elected dictator.
The coup may have fizzled out,
showing Erdogan had support in the streets.
But many reasons why the other half
of Turks resent his way of ruling are still there. To them, he is a president
who abuses office to benefit his family and cronies.
He is seen as pushing Islamic
fundamentalism on them through the back door.
This matters to Britain because
Turkey lies at the junction of the planet’s tectonic plates in so much more
than simple geography.
A civil war – even rumbling instability – is hugely
dangerous for the rest of Turkey’s Nato allies.
With Russia to the north, Syria
and Iraq to the south and Iran in the east, Turkey has acted as Nato’s
south-eastern bastion for decades.
Just take last year’s refugee crisis to see what problems the West could face
if Turkey goes off the rails.
Add the country’s millions to those already
funnelling into Europe from the Middle East to get an idea of the worst-case
scenario.
In recent decades, Turkey seemed to
combine democracy with a strong military, adding to the West’s general
security.
That confidence was shattered even when the military coup fizzled out
yesterday. Its aftershocks will disturb Turkey and us for the foreseeable
future.
At its worst, people fear Turkey could be entering the downward spiral that has
engulfed Iraq and Syria in civil war and terrorism.
That is the last thing
anyone in the West should want. Prayer mats are out everywhere for stability on
Nato’s south-east flank.
The crowds opposing the coup should not lull us, or
President Erdogan, into thinking national unity has won the day. Turkey is
still bitterly polarised.
Yesterday’s triumphant return to
office cannot silence widespread allegations of corruption and abuse of office
against Erdogan.
Intolerant of even jokes at his expense, he has prosecuted the
media which report allegations against him and his family.
But many ordinary Turks admire their Teflon president – even after pictures
emerged of the bank-teller’s cash-counting machine found in his son’s home,
along with shoe-boxes stuffed with dollars and euros.
The West used to accept Erdogan’s
ability to mix his appeal to the Muslim majority with sensible economic
policies.
It thought he was at heart a rational man rather than an Islamist
playing at a Western-style politician.
As long as the economy grew, so did
Erdogan’s popularity at home, while the West saw him as a model for states
undergoing revolution in the ‘Arab Spring’ of 2011.
But as the years went by,
Erdogan became more autocratic and more religious.
Fourteen years in power have
given him the patronage to reshape the civil service and military in his own
image. The rebel officers hated that.
Like many authoritarians, he is
both capricious and cynical.
His response to the Arab Spring showed this when
he suddenly denounced his ‘friend’ President Assad of Syria as a blood-soaked
tyrant.
Similarly, he switched from dialogue to all-out war against the Kurdish
minority.
The same dirty game was going on when he switched from backing the jihadi
rebels against Assad to supporting the US-led war on Islamic State.
Having let
Islamist radicals pour across the border with Syria, Erdogan suddenly declared
himself their enemy.
They have hit back inside Turkey, so now the country needs
a strong man to defend it.
Erdogan has tried Europe’s patience
but its elites were too quick to think the coup was the solution.
Like Turkey’s
liberals, they are scornful of this self-made man’s mega-ego, but these
criticisms wash over 50 per cent of Turks.
They voted for him. We didn’t. It is
his trump card.
In all this chaos, Erdogan reigns supreme. That is his strength
and Turkey’s tragedy.
Terrorism and Friday night’s coup are body blows to the
country’s economy.
This could push millions of Turks into joining migrants from
the Middle East. It is a nightmare haunting Brussels and Berlin.
Now, Erdogan is out for revenge. Even opponents of the coup fear his purge will sweep them up too.
The West was losing influence in the run-up to the coup.
Now Erdogan’s price will be for Washington and Europe to sacrifice some of their principles and interests to recover his friendship.
Are we willing to go that far? What choice do we have?
And where will the fallout of the coup end?
The West was losing influence in the run-up to the coup.
Now Erdogan’s price will be for Washington and Europe to sacrifice some of their principles and interests to recover his friendship.
Are we willing to go that far? What choice do we have?
And where will the fallout of the coup end?
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