Caroline Lucas writes:
"No direction", "dithering",
"rudderless". Ed Miliband isn't the first opposition leader to hear
this kind of language as an election looms, so perhaps we shouldn't be
surprised that his MPs are queuing up to offer him friendly encouragement to
fill the policy vacuum.
Clearly, it's not easy being in opposition,
knowing that every policy announcement can and will be used against you by the
government and a hostile media. But that's why politics requires courage.
Labour now has some fantastic opportunities to
get behind progressive policies that would resonate with its traditional
support and with voters. One in particular is about to pull into the station.
With the dreadful news last week that rail fares will go up by an average of 4.1% next year (and sincere sympathies
to you if you're one of the many passengers who will be hit much harder than
that), it's surely time for Labour to accept that privatisation of the railways
was a disastrous failure that it should have reversed when it had the chance.
With the prime minister's former speechwriter,
Ian Birrell, leaping to the defence of privatised services and talking about
record levels of passenger satisfaction, surely now is the time for Miliband's
team to sign up to a policy that would genuinely distinguish him from the
coalition.
The shadow transport secretary, Maria Eagle, sounds as if she wants
to head in that direction. She recently criticised the government's
determination to re-privatise the East Coast service, calling it "bizarre and dogmatic".
East Coast, she noted, makes one
of the highest payments to the public purse, receives the least subsidy and is
the only route on which all profits are reinvested in services. So why doesn't
Labour go the whole way?
The Rebuilding Rail report, published last year by Transport for
Quality of Life, offers a superb analysis of the mess Britain's railways are
in.
It finds that the private sector has not delivered the innovation and
investment that were once promised, that the costs of back-room staff have
massively increased, and that the costs of train travel rose by 17% between
1997 and 2010 (while the costs of travelling by car fell).
It conservatively
estimates that £1.2bn is being lost each year as a result of fragmentation and
privatisation. The irony is that some of the biggest profiters are the
state-owned rail companies of our neighbours: Deutsche Bahn, for example, owns
three UK franchises.
Birrell seeks to paint opponents of privatisation
as dewy-eyed nostalgists. But the modern, efficient, clean, affordable services
enjoyed in other parts of Europe offer a much better blueprint than our own
past.
The solution the Green party is proposing is for our railways to be
brought back into public hands, with passengers having a greater say in the
development of the system. The government would take back individual franchises
when they expire, or when companies fail to meet their conditions.
The enormous
savings generated could and should then be reinvested in rail infrastructure,
and to reduce the soaring cost of fares.
My private member's bill sets out the process to
make this happen, and is due to have its second reading in October. I've
written to Maria Eagle asking if Labour will get behind it.
As a policy for
Labour, it's unlikely to play well in the Mail and the Telegraph. But I suspect
many of their readers – particularly those reading their papers while jammed up
against a fellow commuter on an overcrowded, overpriced train – might be more
receptive.
And certainly there are many rank and file Labour MPs, many of whom
are already backing the bill, who are desperate to see their leader prove
himself as the conviction politician he says he is.
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