Michael Lind writes:
The growing influence on the American right of
Ayn Rand, the libertarian right’s answer to Scientology’s novelist-philosopher
L. Ron Hubbard, is a wonder to behold.
When she died in 1982, Alissa Rosenbaum — the
original name of the Russian-born novelist — was the leader of a marginal cult,
the Objectivists, who had long been cast out of the mainstream American right.
But the rise of Tea Party conservatism, fueled by white racial panic and
zero-sum distributional conflicts in the Great Recession, has turned this
minor, once-forgotten figure into an icon for a new generation of nerds who
imagine themselves Nietzschean Ubermenschen oppressed by the totalitarian tyranny
of the post office and the Social Security administration.
Rand-worshipers can be found in, among other
places, the Republican-controlled House of Representatives. At a 2005 gathering
to honor her memory, House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan
declared, “The reason I got involved in public service, by and large, if I
had to credit one thinker, one person, it would be Ayn Rand.”
The late Gore Vidal would not have been surprised
by the former Republican vice-presidential candidate’s choice of a patron
saint. After all, it was Vidal who observed, in
a 1961 article for Esquire:
“She has a great attraction for simple people who
are puzzled by organized society, who object to paying taxes, who dislike the
‘welfare’ state, who feel guilt at the thought of the suffering of others but
who would like to harden their hearts.
For them, she has an enticing
prescription: altruism is the root of all evil, self-interest is the only good,
and if you’re dumb or incompetent that’s your lookout.”
Vidal might be dismissed as a biased leftist. But
the late William F. Buckley Jr., the founder of post-1945 conservatism who
engaged in a famous televised spat with Vidal during the 1968 Democratic
convention, shared Vidal’s contempt for Ayn Rand. After her death in 1982, Buckley wrote in the New York Daily News:
“She was an eloquent and persuasive anti-statist,
and if only she had left it at that, but no. She had to declare that God did
not exist, that altruism was despicable, that only self-interest was good and
noble.”
In 2003,
Buckley described his encounter with Rand’s interminable propaganda novel
“Atlas Shrugged”: “I had to flog myself to read it.”
Ayn Rand and her “Objectivist” cult members never
forgave Buckley for reading them out of the mainstream American right, along
with the equally crackpot John Birch Society.
In 1957 Buckley, then the young
editor of the flagship magazine of the conservative movement, National Review, published a review of
“Atlas Shrugged” by Whittaker Chambers, the ex-communist intellectual who had
played a key role in exposing Alger Hiss as a Soviet spy.
Chambers titled his review “Big
Sister Is Watching You.” He wrote:
“Its story is preposterous. It reports the final
stages of a final conflict (locale: chiefly the United States, some indefinite
years hence) between the harried ranks of free enterprise and the “looters.”
These are proponents of proscriptive taxes, government ownership, Labor, etc.
etc. The mischief here is that the author, dodging into fiction, nevertheless
counts on your reading it as political reality. “This,” she is saying in
effect, “is how things really are. These are the real issues, the real sides.
Only your blindness keeps you from seeing it, which, happily, I have come to
rescue you from.””
The juvenile plot of “Atlas Shrugged” is a
melodramatic war between “Children of Light” and “Children of Darkness”:
“The Children of Light are largely operatic
caricatures. In so far as any of them suggests anything known to the business
community, they resemble the occasional curmudgeon millionaire, tales about
whose outrageously crude and shrewd eccentricities sometimes provide the
lighter moments in Board rooms. Otherwise, the Children of Light are geniuses.
One of them is named (the only smile you see will be your own): Francisco
Domingo Carlos Andres Sebastian d’Anconia.”
Today’s libertarian rightist radicals distinguish
between “makers” and “takers.” In the flagship conservative magazine of the
1950s, Whittaker Chambers did not tolerate such crude sloganeering:
“In Atlas Shrugged, all this debased
inhuman riffraff is lumped as “looters.” This is a fairly inspired epithet. It
enables the author to skewer on one invective word everything and everybody
that she fears and hates. This spares her the plaguey business of performing
one service that her fiction might have performed, namely: that of examining in
human depth how so feeble a lot came to exist at all, let alone be powerful
enough to be worth hating and fearing. Instead, she bundles them into one undifferentiated
damnation.”
Long before the historian Corey Robin made the
case for the
Nietzschean roots of much modern libertarianism, Chambers detected
Nietzsche’s influence on the author of “Atlas Shrugged”:
“Miss Rand acknowledges a grudging debt to one,
and only one, earlier philosopher: Aristotle. I submit that she is indebted,
and much more heavily, to Nietzsche. Just as her operatic businessmen are, in
fact, Nietzschean supermen, so her ulcerous leftists are Nietzsche’s “last
men,” both deformed in a way to sicken the fastidious recluse of Sils Maria.
And much else comes, consciously or not, from the same source.”
Chambers concluded that despite all her talk
about individualism and liberty, Rand was driven by a romantic and illiberal
vision in which a heroic minority of superhuman geniuses would remake a corrupt
society from top to bottom:
“One Big Brother is, of course, a socializing
elite (as we know, several cut-rate brands are on the shelves). Miss Rand, as
the enemy of any socializing force, calls in a Big Brother of her own
contriving to do battle with the other. In the name of free enterprise,
therefore, she plumps for a technocratic elite (I find no more inclusive word
than technocratic to bracket the industrial-financial-engineering caste she
seems to have in mind).”
Chambers did not live to see one of Ayn Rand’s
early disciples, Alan Greenspan, become chairman of the Federal Reserve, the
ultimate technocrat of the financial caste, if not of industrialists and
engineers.
Rand’s conceited Nietzschean elitism was shared
by another libertarian hero, Ludwig von Mises, who
wrote to Rand: “You have the courage to tell the masses what no
politician told them: you are inferior and all the improvements in your
conditions which you simply take for granted you owe to the efforts of men who
are better than you.”
(Hayek
later confessed that he was defeated by “Atlas Shrugged”: “Although I
tried seriously to read the book, I failed, because there was no romance in it.
I tried even more diligently to read that fellow John Galt’s hundred-page
declaration of independence, and I knew I’d be questioned on all that, but I
just couldn’t get through it.”)
The mentality of Ayn Rand, as described by
Chambers back in 1957 in the pages of the leading conservative magazine, is
remarkably similar to the mentality of the Tea Party right that seeks to
sabotage government (as Rand’s heroes sabotage the economy), no matter the
consequences for the nation:
“In addition, the mind which finds this tone
natural to it shares other characteristics of its type. 1) It consistently
mistakes raw force for strength, and the rawer the force, the more reverent the
posture of the mind before it. 2) It supposes itself to be the bringer of a
final revelation. Therefore, resistance to the Message cannot be tolerated
because disagreement can never be merely honest, prudent, or just humanly
fallible. Dissent from revelation so final (because, the author would say, so
reasonable) can only be willfully wicked.”
What should we conclude from the fact that Ayn
Rand’s works are admired by 21st century American rightists like Paul Ryan who
have forgotten, if they ever knew about, sophisticated conservative
intellectuals like Chambers and Buckley? Gore Vidal’s comments in 1961 seem
chillingly prescient in 2013:
“Ayn Rand’s ‘philosophy’ is nearly perfect in its
immorality, which makes the size of her audience all the more ominous and
symptomatic as we enter a curious new phase in our society. Moral values are in
flux. The muddy depths are being stirred by new monsters and witches from the
deep. Trolls walk the American night. Caesars are stirring in the Forum. There
are storm warnings ahead.”
Buckley started to understand conservatism towards the end, with his opposition to the Iraq War and Bush's neocons.
ReplyDeleteAnd he started out brilliantly by recognising (uniquely among US intellectuals) that the civil rights laws of the 60's, (such as desegregation-at-gunpoint and the extension of the franchise) would do nothing to rectify the racial divisions in the South, which persist to this day.
He rightly saw that only Left-wing utopians believe top-down state intervention, legislative 'rights; and universal suffrage democracy are the answer to everything-yet, without organic change among the people themselves, they achieve nothing.
But Buckley did much to destroy conservatism in America-particularly by persuading libertarians and conservatives to make "common cause against the commies" thereby creating the sham wedding between the two, embodied by the alliance between Evangelical Christians and the Republicans.
If only L.Brent Bozell had founded National Review, instead of his erstwhile friend Buckley, how different US conservatism might have turned out.
She's what passes for an intellectual among the semi-educated, of whom there are vast numbers in the U.S.
ReplyDeleteTrue, David. Alas!
ReplyDelete