Simon Jenkins writes:
Labour’s shadow cabinet
reaction to Jeremy Corbyn on Trident is
astonishing.
An end to Britain’s nuclear arsenal has been an article of faith
to most Labour supporters for a generation. It has also been common currency of
most defence analysts for almost as long.
The sole reason for Trident
surviving the Blair government’s first defence review (on whose lay committee I
sat) was the ban on discussing it imposed by the then defence secretary, George
Robertson, in 1997.
Members were told to “think the unthinkable” about everything
except Trident and new aircraft carriers.
It was clear that Tony Blair and his
team had been lobbied, not by the defence chiefs, but by the procurement
industry.
Labour was regarded as soft on defence and mega-projects were seen as
talismans of the party’s patriotism. Robertson, John Reid and John Gilbert were
adamant that no chink should appear in the nuclear armour.
I can recall no head of the army and no
serious academic strategist with any time for the Trident missile. It was a
great hunk of useless weaponry.
It was merely a token of support for an
American nuclear response, though one that made Britain vulnerable to a nuclear
exchange.
No modern danger, such as from terrorism, is deterred by Trident (any
more than Galtieri had been in the Falklands or Saddam in Iraq).
But the money
was spent and the rest of the defence budget had to suffer constant cuts – and
soldiers left ill-equipped – to pay for it.
For decades the Labour party has lacked the courage of
its own convictions on nuclear weapons and the courage to confront the industry
lobby behind Trident.
While the missiles come from America and their use without American permission
is inconceivable, a decision on the related submarine replacement programme is
due next year.
It will have nothing to do with national defence. Talk about
“ultimate deterrents” might as well apply to any Armageddon weapon,
bacteriological or chemical.
Trident is about diplomatic clout, global
posturing, domestic grandstanding and huge sums of public expenditure.
This is precisely the kind of
issue on which Corbyn’s straight talking might be thought to turn over a new
leaf. He might break with New Labour’s craven appeasement of the industrial
lobbies and log-rollers.
It is sad that his party colleagues, not one of whom
can seriously believe in Trident, feel obliged to oppose him on this issue,
just so Labour can seem tough on defence.
Perhaps Corbyn should talk to a
soldier.
Starting with these ones , in fact.
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