The Ambassador of Russia to the United Kingdom, Alexander Yakovenko, writes:
The novel way of diplomacy proposed by foreign secretary Boris
Johnson has so far materialised in a lone
gentleman with a poster outside our embassy – not something I would describe as
a big diplomatic victory.
But the very fact of having to resort to (non-existent) campaigners to make a point is, in my opinion, a sign of the state of Britain’s Syria policy.
Some would say that Russia’s record on Syria has also been controversial – and here’s where I would strongly disagree.
We entered the conflict on 30 September 2015.
The western coalition had already been active there for years, dropping bombs and missiles, and supporting the highly-praised “moderate opposition” against the radicals – as they say.
And still, Syria was on the edge of collapse.
Isis, a by-product of ham-fisted western social engineering in Iraq, gained new ground, pushing back the Syrian army as well as rival anti-government forces.
They brought the conflict to a new degree of barbarity and cruelty unseen since the days of Nazi Germany.
Massacres, public tortures and executions, and a slave trade on an industrial scale were a daily reality in the areas held by Isis – not to mention the destruction of many historic sites and artefacts.
And they seemed to be moving in for the kill: preparing to take Damascus and rule the country by right of conquest.
The establishment of a terrorist state in Syria would pose a grave threat to Russia and Europe.
A year after Russia sent in its air force, reacting to a request from the legitimate government of Syria, the picture looks different.
Isis is in retreat, having lost more than 4,600 square miles of territory and up to 35,000 fighters.
The Syrian army and local militia freed 586 towns and villages from Isis.
Their leaders – who a year ago promised to bring slaughter and chaos to other regions, including Europe – went remarkably silent.
But Russia didn’t come to Syria to fight the war.
We came to deliver the country from terrorists and extremists, and to create conditions for a peace process.
With Isis gangs no longer threatening Damascus and many other cities, Syrians have a chance to settle their political, ethnic and religious differences at a negotiating table.
Talks have started between the government and many patriotic opposition groups.
At local level, many villages and towns have joined the ceasefire regime (783, and the number grows daily) brokered by the Russian military.
The combat is tough in Aleppo, where the Syrian army is wrestling with the rebels, over half of whom belong to Jabhat al-Nusra, an offspring of al-Qaida, internationally recognised as terrorists.
After long talks, the US agreed to exert influence on the moderates to separate them from the proscribed terrorists.
This didn’t happen.
Those who fight in eastern Aleppo shamelessly use civilians as a human shield, block their passage to safety through established humanitarian corridors, and hamper the delivery of humanitarian aid (they say they didn’t want a ceasefire and humanitarian aid).
Our military does what it can, verifying the targets to make sure these are not civilian objects, to exclude any loss of life and limit damage to civil infrastructure.
(We are always ready to concede concrete evidence that our strikes have hit civilian targets, and investigate accordingly – but we have so far seen none.)
Human suffering, a horrible by-product of any war (the expression “collateral damage” wasn’t invented by us or President Assad), is being exploited to rally to the terrorists’ cause.
Britain and France’s suggestion of a no-fly zone would lead precisely to this – leaving the terrorists in charge and in control.
Our goal is to defeat terrorists, which will ensure humanitarian relief for all. Russia saved Syria from terrorist takeover.
We champion a political solution, which will include all political forces in Syria and ensure its future as a secular, pluralistic nation.
We deliver humanitarian aid.
And remember, Russia was not the one to quit all efforts to arrange a ceasefire in Aleppo,which cannot be achieved on terrorists’ terms.
But the very fact of having to resort to (non-existent) campaigners to make a point is, in my opinion, a sign of the state of Britain’s Syria policy.
Some would say that Russia’s record on Syria has also been controversial – and here’s where I would strongly disagree.
We entered the conflict on 30 September 2015.
The western coalition had already been active there for years, dropping bombs and missiles, and supporting the highly-praised “moderate opposition” against the radicals – as they say.
And still, Syria was on the edge of collapse.
Isis, a by-product of ham-fisted western social engineering in Iraq, gained new ground, pushing back the Syrian army as well as rival anti-government forces.
They brought the conflict to a new degree of barbarity and cruelty unseen since the days of Nazi Germany.
Massacres, public tortures and executions, and a slave trade on an industrial scale were a daily reality in the areas held by Isis – not to mention the destruction of many historic sites and artefacts.
And they seemed to be moving in for the kill: preparing to take Damascus and rule the country by right of conquest.
The establishment of a terrorist state in Syria would pose a grave threat to Russia and Europe.
A year after Russia sent in its air force, reacting to a request from the legitimate government of Syria, the picture looks different.
Isis is in retreat, having lost more than 4,600 square miles of territory and up to 35,000 fighters.
The Syrian army and local militia freed 586 towns and villages from Isis.
Their leaders – who a year ago promised to bring slaughter and chaos to other regions, including Europe – went remarkably silent.
But Russia didn’t come to Syria to fight the war.
We came to deliver the country from terrorists and extremists, and to create conditions for a peace process.
With Isis gangs no longer threatening Damascus and many other cities, Syrians have a chance to settle their political, ethnic and religious differences at a negotiating table.
Talks have started between the government and many patriotic opposition groups.
At local level, many villages and towns have joined the ceasefire regime (783, and the number grows daily) brokered by the Russian military.
The combat is tough in Aleppo, where the Syrian army is wrestling with the rebels, over half of whom belong to Jabhat al-Nusra, an offspring of al-Qaida, internationally recognised as terrorists.
After long talks, the US agreed to exert influence on the moderates to separate them from the proscribed terrorists.
This didn’t happen.
Those who fight in eastern Aleppo shamelessly use civilians as a human shield, block their passage to safety through established humanitarian corridors, and hamper the delivery of humanitarian aid (they say they didn’t want a ceasefire and humanitarian aid).
Our military does what it can, verifying the targets to make sure these are not civilian objects, to exclude any loss of life and limit damage to civil infrastructure.
(We are always ready to concede concrete evidence that our strikes have hit civilian targets, and investigate accordingly – but we have so far seen none.)
Human suffering, a horrible by-product of any war (the expression “collateral damage” wasn’t invented by us or President Assad), is being exploited to rally to the terrorists’ cause.
Britain and France’s suggestion of a no-fly zone would lead precisely to this – leaving the terrorists in charge and in control.
Our goal is to defeat terrorists, which will ensure humanitarian relief for all. Russia saved Syria from terrorist takeover.
We champion a political solution, which will include all political forces in Syria and ensure its future as a secular, pluralistic nation.
We deliver humanitarian aid.
And remember, Russia was not the one to quit all efforts to arrange a ceasefire in Aleppo,which cannot be achieved on terrorists’ terms.
This is where we stand.
We are
not ashamed to be part of a complex solution in Syria and call on others to
join us.
For that, our western partners will have to forget about regime change
in Syria,
and leave it to the Syrians to decide for themselves.
After all, terrorists do
not offer the Syrians a vote.
Theirs is an end-of-history rule, with all other
options closed.
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