Patrick Cockburn writes:
The Libyan uprising always contained more extreme
Islamists than portrayed by its supporters inside and outside Libya.
There is a
measure of truth in Muammar Gaddafi's claim to Tony Blair that the jihadis had
"managed to set up local stations and in Benghazi have spread the thoughts
and ideas of al Qaeda."
His claims sound particularly
prophetic since the transcript of the Blair-Gaddafi phone conversations are
published on the same day that a suicide bomber driving a truck packed with
explosives killed an estimated 65 people at a Libyan police academy.
The attack
is likely to be the work of the Libyan branch of Isis which today controls
Sirte, Gaddafi's home region and last stronghold, and has been battling over
the last week to take over Libya's main oil ports.
But it is also true that protests which began in Libya on 15 February and
turned into a general uprising had wide popular support among Libyans.
By the
time of the phone call, protesters had seized Benghazi, Misurata and many other
cities and towns while part of the regular armed forces had defected to the
opposition.
Gaddafi's repeated claim to Mr
Blair that there was nothing happening in much of the country shows that he was
either eager to downplay the swift spread of the rebellion or he did not know
what was going on.
The latter seems the most likely explanation, given
Gaddafi's repeated invitations to Mr Blair, who was in Kuwait, to come to
Tripoli and his belief that once foreign journalists arrived they would see for
themselves that accounts of violence had been exaggerated.
"Send reporters
and politicians," the Libyan leader says. "Talk to them [protesters]
directly; see what kind of people they are and their connections to AQ
[Al-Qaeda]."
It would be interesting to know whom Mr Blair spoke to
between the first and second conversations on the same day.
But after he did so
he says that "if you have a safe place to go you should go there because
this will not end peacefully."
Later on Mr Blair says: "I repeat the
statement that people have said to me, if there is a way that he [Gaddafi]
should leave he should do so now."
This may have been an attempt to
panic Gaddafi into bolting the country or it may be a sign that foreign
military intervention in Libya, which began on 19 March, was already
considered inevitable by some.
Gaddafi appears to have interpreted the message
relayed by Mr Blair as a threat of foreign military action. "It seems that
this will be colonisation," he replies. "I will have to arm the
people and get ready for a fight."
It was NATO air support for the
opposition that was decisive in determining the outcome of the war. At the time
of phone calls, Gaddafi does not seem to have thought that his own rule was
really under threat.
Foreign governments and media exaggerated the military
capacity of the rebels and underestimated their extreme Islamic and regressive
ideology.
Secular supporters of rebellion were taken back when one of the first
proposals of the transitional government that replaced Gaddafi was for an end
to the ban on polygamy.
The Gadaffi-Blair conversations
leave the impression that because it was so obviously in Gadaffi's interests to
suggest that his opponents were led by Islamic extremists, that the West was
too swift to dismiss the idea.
It also looks as if outside powers were
determined to get rid of the Libyan leader whatever happened.
Since the rebels
were not strong enough to do this by themselves, this meant he would be
overthrown primarily by a NATO air campaign and the result would be a political
vacuum and the disintegration of Libya.
Gadaffi may have been wrong about the
way things were happening, but he was right about the final calamitous outcome.
No comments:
Post a Comment