Ryan Curran writes:
To those who have campaigned against the so-called
‘bedroom tax’ from the beginning, Wednesday’s decision by the appeal court to
rule the policy discriminatory and unlawful will come as no surprise.
To those
who continue to defend the policy, this ruling should act as a stark reminder
of its remarkable failure.
When it was first introduced by
the coalition government in 2013, the bedroom tax aimed to cut the welfare bill
and free up in-demand housing.
The policy works by cutting the benefits tenants
receive by 14% if they have one spare bedroom and a staggering 25 per
cent if they have two or more.
At first, it may seem reasonable
to some to cut people’s benefits if they are living in a house with one or more
spare bedrooms.
The idea is that this significant reduction in income will
encourage the occupant to move to a house where all the rooms are used,
therefore freeing up the larger property for those who require more than one
room.
However, when you begin to look
at the implications of the policy, as well as the failure to achieve one of its
main goals, it becomes clear that the bedroom tax has been a disaster from the
off.
According to the government’s own research published in 2014, almost 60 per
cent of those affected by the bedroom tax were in rent arrears as a result
of the policy.
Furthermore, according to a survey carried out by the National Housing
Federation in the same year, around one in seven families had received eviction
letters and faced the prospect of losing their homes.
Even more worryingly, research carried out by the government’s
Department for Work & Pensions found
that three-quarters of those affected by the policy have had to cut back on
food, while 46% had to cut back on heating and 33 per cent on travel.
Clearly, the bedroom tax is having an extreme impact on those who are already
struggling, forcing them to scale back on the essentials.
Such a situation is
simply unacceptable and confirms the fears many raised when the policy was
first introduced.
In addition, many have also criticised the bedroom tax
for discriminating against vulnerable people.
For example, Wednesday’s ruling
by the appeal court dealt with a case involving a seriously disabled child who
requires overnight care in a specially adapted room.
The other case involved a
single mother living in a three-bedroom council house fitted with a secure panic room to protect her from a violent
ex-partner.
In both cases, judges ruled that the bedroom tax amounted to
unlawful discrimination.
As a result of similar cases, the
UN special investigator on housing called on the government to scrap the bedroom tax, pointing to what she
described as ‘shocking’ accounts of how the policy was damaging the lives of
vulnerable citizens.
However, there is yet more evidence demonstrating the
failure of the policy.
As aforementioned, one of the main aims of the bedroom
tax was to move those with spare bedrooms into smaller houses.
However,
according to figures released under the Freedom of Information Act,
only around 6% of those affected by the policy have actually moved, showing
that for many, downsizing is not a viable option, either for personal reasons
or because housing is in such short supply.
Looking at the evidence, it is
clear the bedroom tax has been a complete failure in terms of rehousing tenants
and the impact it has had on thousands of people up and down the country.
The
government may have saved around £1bn since its introduction, but this has been
at the expense of struggling families and vulnerable citizens.
Following the
appeal court’s decision to rule the policy discriminatory and unlawful, it is
now time for the government to finally admit it was wrong and abolish the
bedroom tax.
And Ruby Stockham writes:
The first was a woman whose home
is equipped with a panic room because she is at risk from an ex-partner
who has harassed, stalked and raped her.
The second claimants were a
couple who care for their severely disabled teenage grandson, and have a room
in which to store his medical equipment and accommodate the overnight carers he
requires.
The Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) is now launching a legal
challenge against both parties to ensure that they pay the charge.
These two cases are patently
unfair, and it is difficult to see how the DWP can possibly justify charging
these households what they call the ‘spare room subsidy’.
Even the Daily Mail has jumped on the bandwagon of calling
out the policy, despite its support
for it in the past.
But is there an argument in
favour of the ‘spare room subsidy’, and has it actually been successful?
When the policy was introduced,
the government said it would reduce the waiting list for families needing
social housing.
Housing associations have
reported something of a vicious circle resulting from the Bedroom Tax; where
families have a room that is genuinely surplus they are aware of the need to
downsize, but there is simply no smaller housing available (the charity Shelter says that the waiting list for social housing
has increased by 81 per cent since 1997).
The government’s own report on
the policy in December found that ‘there is evidence of a declining proportion
of lets to those who under occupy their new home in England, and an increase in
proportion of lets to families from 36.3 per cent in 2012–13 to 40.7 per cent
in 2013–14’.
“Most LAs and social
landlords reported that large numbers of people were unable to move because of
a shortage of smaller homes.
“Some claimants said they had not registered
because they were aware of the shortage (case studies and claimant qualitative
interviews).”
There is of course a great human
cost to the policy – a survey by the National Housing Federation found
that 46 per cent of tenants affected by the Bedroom Tax had borrowed money
to pay their rent since April 2013; 32 per cent had reduced
their spending on food; and 26 per cent had cut back on heating costs.
But the fundamental problem with
the Bedroom Tax is that people cannot ‘downsize’ if there is nowhere for them
to go.
Shelter estimates that to solve the housing crisis,
250,000 more affordable homes would need to be built each year in England
alone, but housebuilding is at its lowest ‘peacetime’ level since the 1920s.
Meanwhile, rents have been
rising faster than inflation – in the year to May 2015, average rental
values for new tenancies in the UK were 10.7 per cent higher than the
same period last year.
The decision to appeal yesterday
shows that the government is willing to hold on to this policy despite all the
evidence against it; it is ideologically driven, illogical,
and unworkable in coordination with other policies.
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