In that noted Maoist organ, The Washington Post, Katrina vanden Heuvel writes:
The new leader of the British Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, has
sparked a political firestorm by challenging the myths around nuclear weapons
and Cold War deterrence.
Corbyn announced that he would never use a nuclear
weapon. He followed that apostasy by declaring that he opposed renewal of the
British nuclear Trident submarine program.
“I am opposed to the use of nuclear
weapons. I am opposed to the holding of nuclear weapons. I want to see a
nuclear-free world. I believe it is possible,” Corbyn declared.
Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron and the right-wing
British press have been pillorying Corbyn as a threat to national security for
his heresy.
Corbyn’s aides argue this is not a new version of the
debate over unilateral disarmament that wracked Labour in the 1980s. Rather,
they insist the question is whether renewing the fleet is worth the money.
Corbyn’s doubts are shared by some current and retired military officers. The
British fleet of four Trident submarines is slated for retirement in the late
2020s. It will take almost that long to develop a successor.
Renewing and
operating the Trident program will cost an estimated 167 billion British pounds over the next four decades.
The Army
has already been reduced to below 82,000 soldiers, the
lowest number since the
1700s. Renewing the Trident fleet would likely force more cuts.
Corbyn
says the Trident isn’t worth the money. It is a costly weapon that can never be
used.
British security concerns should be focused on terrorism, economic
turmoil and catastrophic climate change; nuclear weapons are irrelevant to all
that.
Corbyn argues, sensibly, that the Cold War era is long gone. “There are
five declared nuclear weapon states in the world. There are three others that
have nuclear weapons. That is eight countries out of 192,” he told reporters.
“187 countries don’t feel the need to have a nuclear weapon to protect their
security, why should those five need it themselves?”
British
forces — particularly special forces — are active in countering terrorists.
British intelligence is valued highly.
But British nuclear weapons are at best
extraneous, and at worst a dangerous, unusable threat. Budget choices have to
be made.
The
Corbynites are sensitive about being accused of unilateral disarmament, since
the party’s adoption of that position in the 1980s at the height of Cold War
tensions was electorally damaging.
Yet a British commitment to give up nuclear
weapons unilaterally might just be the highest and best use of the Trident
fleet.
The
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) entered into force in 1970; 190
countries have subscribed to it. At its core, as the State Department notes, is
a “basic bargain”:
“Countries with nuclear
weapons will move towards disarmament; countries without nuclear weapons
will not acquire them; and all countries can access peaceful nuclear
technology” (emphasis added).
With the end of the Cold War, Russia and the
United States reduced their arsenals dramatically. They also cooperated, as the
Soviet Union split apart, on consolidating control over nuclear materials and
scientists.
Ukraine, Kazakhstan and Belarus all gave up the arsenals they had
inherited when the Soviet Union broke up. South Africa renounced the bomb.
Libya agreed to give up its weapons of mass destruction.
In recent
years, however, as tensions have built up between Russia and the United States,
the momentum in adhering to the NPT has been lost. In 2002, President George W.
Bush pulled the United States out of the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) treaty.
Both countries have announced costly programs to modernize their nuclear triads
(i.e., land, air and sea weapons), undermining existing treaties.
The Obama
administration has remained committed to deploying an anti-missile system in
Eastern Europe.
Worse,
both countries still deploy hundreds of nuclear warheads on hair-trigger alert.
Both have embraced unstable “launch on warning” policies that call for a
split-second decision to launch before getting hit. And now tensions are
mounting, with air and naval incidents spiking.
Turkey’s recent decision to
shoot down a Russian plane that allegedly briefly flew over its airspace is
illustrative.
Last January, the
Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists moved its “doomsday
clock” to three minutes to midnight, the first such adjustment in
three years.
The scientists declared that “unchecked climate change, global
nuclear weapons modernizations, and outsized nuclear weapons arsenals pose
extraordinary and undeniable threats to the continued existence of humanity.”
Former U.S. defense secretary William Perry now warns that
the “probability of a nuclear calamity is higher today . . . than it was during
the Cold War.”
In recent
months, the United States and Russia have worked together to achieve the
historic Iran disarmament agreement, with the Islamic republic agreeing to
forgo development of nuclear weapons and to an extensive inspection regime to
police it.
This is a moment to push progress on nuclear disarmament.
The United
States should move to revive the anti-ballistic-missile treaty protocols, and
to draw down its nuclear arsenals. We should renounce first use and join with
the Russians in moving our weapons off of hair-trigger alert.
A unilateral
declaration of nuclear disarmament by Britain would add measurably to this
progress.
It would enable Britain to join with others in building international
pressure on the countries with nuclear weapons, from the United States and
Russia to North Korea, India and Pakistan.
Corbyn is
now taking a beating in the conservative tabloids for his blasphemies. Yet he
is talking common sense.
No leader in his right mind would use nuclear weapons.
The British people would be better off spending the money that renewal would
cost elsewhere.
The reality is that the British nuclear arsenal will have
greater global significance if it is dismantled rather than renewed.
Corbyn is
meeting fierce resistance, even inside his own party, but he is raising
questions that deserve a full debate.
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