Indefinite Leave?

I spent three months of this summer in Britain's most overcrowded prison, HMP Durham. For frankly political reasons, I was kept in twice as long as I had twice been told in writing that I would be. But I did not hear of anyone's having been released by accident. So many inmates were one, two or all three of very young, drugged out of their minds, and with nothing left to lose, that if people had thought that they could just have walked out, then a lot of them would have done. Nationally, 91 prisoners did precisely that between April and October. Ninety-one.

"Don't worry, Dickie's on the case," the Royal Family used to exclaim sarcastically whenever this or that responsibility was entrusted to Lord Mountbatten, always with predictably disastrous results. And now, don't worry, Lammy's on the case, with, on top of everything else, one in 25 Prison Service staff facing deportation because they had indefinite leave to remain but earned less than £41,700 per year. That report is ITV, saving which is at least as important as saving the BBC.

Breaking Ranks: Inside Israel's War

ITV was John Pilger’s network, and it can still do it when it wants to. The BBC would no longer have broadcast that, and it would now have removed it if it had done so in the past. Saving ITV is a great deal more urgent than saving the BBC. As Julian Borger writes:

Israeli soldiers have described a free-for-all in Gaza and a breakdown in norms and legal constraints, with civilians killed at the whim of individual officers, according to testimony in a TV documentary.

“If you want to shoot without restraint, you can,” Daniel, the commander of an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) tank unit, says in Breaking Ranks: Inside Israel’s War, due to be broadcast in the UK on ITV on Monday evening.

Some of the IDF soldiers who talked to the programme requested anonymity while others spoke on the record. All pointed to the evaporation of the official code of conduct concerning civilians.

The soldiers who agreed to talk confirmed the IDF’s routine use of human shields, contradicting official denials, and gave details of Israeli troops opening fire unprovoked on civilians racing to reach food handouts at the militarised distribution points set up by the US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF).

“In basic training for the army, we all chanted ‘means, intent and ability’,” Capt Yotam Vilk, an armoured corps officer, says in reference to the official IDF training guidelines stipulating that a soldier can fire only if the target has the means, shows intent and has the ability to cause harm.

“There’s no such thing as ‘means, intent and ability’ in Gaza,” Vilk says. “No soldier ever mentions ‘means, intent, and ability’. It’s just: a suspicion of walking where it’s not allowed. A man aged between 20 and 40.”

Another soldier, identified in the programme only as Eli, says: “Life and death isn’t determined by procedures or opening fire regulations. It’s the conscience of the commander on the ground that decides.”

In those circumstances, the designation of who is an enemy or terrorist becomes arbitrary, Eli says in the documentary. “If they’re walking too fast, they’re suspicious. If they’re walking too slow, they’re suspicious. They’re plotting something. If three men are walking and one of them lags behind, it’s a two-to-one infantry formation – it’s a military formation,” he says.

Eli describes an incident in which a senior officer ordered a tank to demolish a building in an area designated as safe for civilians. “A man was standing on the roof, hanging laundry, and the officer decided that he was a spotter. He’s not a spotter. He’s hanging his laundry. You can see that he’s hanging laundry,” he says.

“Now, it’s not as if this man had binoculars or weapons. The closest military force was 600-700 metres away. So unless he had eagle eyes, how could he possibly be a spotter? And the tank fired a shell. The building half collapsed. And the result was many dead and wounded.”

Palestinians carry supplies from a Gaza Humanitarian Foundation site in the central Gaza Strip. Photograph: Reuters Guardian analysis in August of the IDF’s intelligence data showed that by the reckoning of Israeli military officials, 83% of those killed in Gaza were civilians, a historic high for modern conflicts, though the IDF disputed the analysis. More than 69,000 Palestinians have been killed since the war started and more continue to die despite a ceasefire that began a month ago.

In a written statement, the IDF said: “The IDF remains committed to the rule of law and continues to operate in accordance with its legal and ethical obligations, despite the unprecedented operational complexity posed by Hamas’s systematic embedding within civilian infrastructure and its use of civilian sites for military purposes.”

Some of the soldiers interviewed in the Breaking Ranks programme said they were influenced by the language of Israeli politicians and religious leaders suggesting that after the Hamas attack of 7 October 2023, in which about 1,200 Israelis and foreign nationals were killed, every Palestinian was a legitimate target.

A UN commission concluded in September that Israel had committed genocide in Gaza. On the question of intent, it pointed to incitement from Israeli leaders such as the president, Isaac Herzog, who shortly after the 7 October attack said: “It is an entire nation out there that is responsible. It is not true, this rhetoric about civilians not aware, not involved, it’s absolutely not true.”

Daniel, the tank unit commander, says in the documentary that the rhetoric declaring there was no such thing as an innocent in Gaza seeped down into army ranks. “You hear that all the time, so you start to believe it,” he says.

A spokesperson for Herzog said the Israeli president had been an outspoken voice for humanitarian causes and the protection of innocents.

The programme also provides evidence that such views have been propagated by some rabbis in the ranks. “One time, the brigade rabbi sat down next to me and spent half an hour explaining why we must be just like they were on October 7. That we must take revenge on all of them, including civilians. That we shouldn’t discriminate, and that this is the only way,” says Maj Neta Caspin.

Rabbi Avraham Zarbiv, an extremist Jewish cleric who served more than 500 days in Gaza, says in the programme: “Everything there is one big terrorist infrastructure.”

Zarbiv has not only given religious legitimacy to the mass demolition of Palestinian neighbourhoods but drove military bulldozers himself and claims credit for pioneering a tactic that had been adopted by the IDF as a whole, pointing to the mass purchase of armoured bulldozers.

“The IDF invests hundreds of thousands of shekels to destroy the Gaza Strip. We changed the conduct of an entire army,” Zarbiv says in the programme.

The soldiers giving their accounts in Breaking Ranks also confirm consistent reports throughout the two-year conflict of the use of Palestinian civilians as human shields, a practice informally known as the “mosquito protocol”.

“You send the human shield underground. As he walks down the tunnel, he maps it all for you. He has an iPhone in his vest and as he walks it sends back GPS information,” says Daniel, the tank commander, says in the documentary. “The commanders saw how it works. And the practice spread like wildfire. After about a week, every company was operating its own mosquito.”

The IDF said in a statement that “the IDF prohibits the use of civilians as human shields or coercing them in any way to participate in military operations. These orders have been routinely emphasized to forces throughout the war.”

“Allegations of misconduct are thoroughly examined, and when identifying details are provided, the matter is investigated in depth,” the IDF said. “In several cases, investigations have been opened by the Military Police Criminal Investigation Division (MPCID) following suspicions involving Palestinians in military missions. These investigations remain ongoing.”

The makers of Breaking Ranks spoke to a contractor identified only as Sam who worked at food distribution sites run by the GHF, who says he witnessed the IDF killing unarmed civilians.

He describes an incident at one distribution site where two young men were running in the general rush to get aid. “You could just see two soldiers run after them. They drop on to their knees and they just take two shots, and you could just see … two heads snap backwards and just drop,” Sam says. He recounts another incident in which an IDF tank in the vicinity of one of the distribution sites destroys “a normal car … just four normal people sat inside it”.

According to UN figures, at least 944 Palestinian civilians were killed while seeking aid in the vicinity of GHF aid sites. GHF and the IDF have denied targeting civilians seeking food at aid distribution sites, and the IDF has denied the allegations of systematic war crimes, insisting it operates in accordance with international law and takes measures to minimise civilian harm in its operations against Hamas. Internal investigations of incidents involving the killing of civilians have led to virtually no disciplinary or legal accountability. 

Breaking Ranks shows the mental strain on at least some of the soldiers in Gaza.

“I feel like they’ve destroyed all my pride in being an Israeli – in being an IDF officer,” Daniel says in the programme. “All that’s left is shame.”

Loyal Orders

For loyalist Labour MPs, the withdrawal of the Winter Fuel Payment was an absolute matter of iron principle. Until it wasn't.

For loyalist Labour MPs, the cuts to sickness and disability benefits were an absolute matter of iron principle. Until they weren't. Although they may yet be again.

And for loyalist Labour MPs, the retention of the two-child benefit cap, like never increasing the basic rate of income tax, will be an absolute matter of iron principle. Until, in either case, it was not.

Step On The Scales

If the BBC, its staff or its contractors understandably objected to being called "dishonest" and "corrupt", then they should sue Donald Trump.

And if Trump were going to sue the BBC, then he should do so in England, where he would stand a much better chance of winning, but where the damages would be far lower. It is the principle. Isn't it?

Ghetto Fabulous?

Yes, I am showing my age.

Denmark's "parallel societies", until 2021 officially called "ghettos", are wholly compatible with membership of NATO. They are wholly compatible with membership of the EU. They are wholly compatible with the hallowed European Convention on Human Rights. They are the work of a Social Democratic Government. And they are wanted here by the Labour Government. On all five points, of course they are.

Although there are others, related to economic deprivation, the first criterion for being designated a "parallel society" (ghetto) is that more than 50 per cent of the inhabitants originated or "descended" from "non-Western countries". Those are everywhere apart from "all 27 EU countries, the United Kingdom, Andorra, Iceland, Liechtenstein, Monaco, Norway, San Marino, Switzerland, Vatican City, Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand". No Ukraine, then.

Having been so designated, an area may be liable to mass eviction and demolition in the manner of Sharpeville, District Six, or the West Bank, and at the very least all children from the age of one upwards will be required to undergo at least 25 hours per week of instruction in "Danish culture". All criteria would easily be met by Birmingham Ladywood, but thankfully Shabana Mahmood held that by only 3,421 votes over Akhmed Yakoob, who has since come third in the West Midlands mayoral election with far more votes than the winning candidate's margin of victory, and with more than twice as many as the fourth placed candidate. He is now being paid the supreme compliment of a lawfare prosecution by Keir Starmer's Crown Prosecution Service.

Bleat all you like about the victories and the coming victories of the Gaza Independents, or about Zohran Mamdani as you do about the far from unimpeachable Sadiq Khan, but New York will no more become Sharia-compliant than London has, whereas Donald Trump has today played host to Ahmed al-Sharaa, lately the second-in-command both of Al-Qaeda and of IS, and now installed as President of Syria. 

Meanwhile, Nicolas Sarkozy has been released, but at least France has attempted any reckoning over Libya. Successive British Governments transformed Manchester into the world centre of the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group that went on to bomb Manchester Arena. Britain invaded Libya in order to install such people as its new regime, as France did to cover Sarkozy's tracks. From the ensuing civil war, the Royal Navy rescued both Salman Abedi, who went on to carry out that bombing, killing himself in the process, and his brother Hashem, who went on to be a key figure in the planning of that bombing, and who in April of this year threw hot cooking oil over, and stabbed with makeshift knives, three Prison Officers at HMP Frankland, members of our community here in County Durham. And then there was Libya and the then Prince Andrew. The lawyers made Andrew Lownie take most of that out. But Tarek Kaituni. Remember that name. Tarek Kaituni.

The Courage To Act

Daniel Toft writes:

On Tuesday, the Government quietly withdrew the committal motion for the Diego Garcia Military Base and British Indian Ocean Territory Bill, preventing peers from voting on Lord Callanan’s amendment to delay the measure while ongoing legal challenges conclude. It was a tactical retreat, and an admission that Ministers risked defeat in our upper House.

Yet this pause is temporary. The Bill, which would pave the way for handing the Chagos Islands, one of the fourteen British Overseas Territories, to Mauritius, will almost certainly return. And when it does, peers must stop it.

The Government has misrepresented the legal and moral position of the islands, claiming that it has “engaged” with the Chagossian community while lending false legitimacy to Mauritius’ spurious sovereignty claim, which is only rooted in an administrative technicality from before independence. The Chagos Islands have been British for more than two centuries. Despite being forcibly removed from the islands by Britain between 1968 and 1973, the majority of Chagossians remain loyal to the Crown and still hope to return home. The Bill would extinguish that hope and sever a vital link in Britain’s security network.

But the case against the handover is not just emotional, but empirical. The Government’s own evidence proves that resettlement of the islands under continued British administration is both possible and affordable.

In 2014, the British Indian Ocean Territory Administration commissioned KPMG to carry out a full feasibility study into resettlement under British administration. Over ten months, a team of lawyers, economists, environmental scientists, and engineers examined geography, climate, infrastructure, and governance. They consulted Chagossian communities in Crawley, Manchester, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, and spent a week surveying Diego Garcia and 13 outer islands. Their approach was deliberately neutral, but their conclusion was unambiguous. There are no insurmountable legal, environmental or logistical barriers to resettlement. The obstacles are political, not practical.

KPMG found that the 2004 BIOT Constitution, drafted for an uninhabited territory, would need amendment to reintroduce residency rights, local governance and environmental oversight. But these changes could be made easily by Order in Council. Crucially, resettlement would not breach Britain’s obligations to the United States, with whom it shares a military base. The 1966 UK-US agreement governing Diego Garcia is flexible, and other territories such as Ascension Island already balance military and civilian life successfully. A resettled BIOT under British administration would therefore remain fully compatible with our defence partnership. The missing ingredient, then as now, is political will.

The study devoted significant analysis to the environmental question. Fourteen islands were assessed for elevation, soil, water supply, and climate vulnerability. While the islands are low-lying, several, including Diego Garcia, possess freshwater lenses, arable soils, and safe anchorable. Coastal protection would be required, but manageable with modern engineering. Consultations revealed that the Chagossians themselves are deeply committed environmentalists. KPMG proposed a model of small, energy-efficient “eco-resettlement” integrated with marine conservation and research. Far from undermining the environment, resettlement could enhance stewardship of one of the world’s richest marine ecosystems, an outcome which aligns perfectly with the UK’s Blue Belt conservation programme.

On the practical side, engineers found that a pilot community of around 150 people could be established quickly using modular construction, renewable energy and local labour. Much of the necessary infrastructure, including runways, desalination, power and jetties already exist on Diego Garcia. The economics were equally as compelling. KPMG modelled three scenarios: a large community of 1,500, a medium settlement of 500, and a pilot of 150 people. Capital costs ranged from £63 million to £414 million for full resettlement. Even with the most ambitious plan, updated for inflation, would amount roughly to £574 million, a rounding error in the UK national budget. The study also identified long-term revenue opportunities, including eco-tourism, fishing, conservation work, and BIOT Government services such as research licences, stamps, and the popular .io internet domain. It even listed potential funding partners, including the European Investment Bank and private conservation initiatives. This is not a drain on the taxpayers but a chance to create a showcase for sustainable British development at a fraction of the cost of the transfer deal with Mauritius.

Above all, the report records the voices of the Chagossians themselves; voices that have been ignored since 1965, and continue to be ignored today. Across the UK, the Seychelles, and Mauritius, their message was unanimous — they wish to return permanently, not as visitors. They aspire to modern living standards, with schools, clinics, internet, and are ready to build them. Many are trained as tradespeople, public servants, and professionals. They are not dependent, they are determined.

Taken together, the KPMG findings outline a practical and ethical path with a small, environmentally responsible British settlement on Diego Garcia and the outer islands, in partnership with the US/UK facility, expanding gradually as self-sufficiency grows. Such a plan would honour Britain’s moral duty, maintain our strategic presence in the Indo-Pacific, and preserve a unique marine environment. The Government’s current approach of negotiating away sovereignty without consultation fails every test of transparency, accountability and good governance. Peers should insist that the full KPMG study be considered, that the Chagossians be given a genuine voice through a referendum, and the handover deal be axed.

If the UK truly believes in responsible global leadership, we cannot give away what we have not even tried to restore, against the wishes of those who call the islands home but shamefully live in exile. The evidence is clear: resettlement is feasible. The only question is whether our leaders have the courage to act on it.

Fighting, Experienced

Lisa Nandy is to face the House of Commons tomorrow about David Kogan, and the opportunity should be found, Ayoub Khan being a barrister, to bring in the matter of which Jane Haynes writes:

The truth about the intelligence used by West Midlands Police to prompt a ban on fans from Israeli club Maccabi Tel Aviv for their Europa League tie against Aston Villa is finally out, despite attempts to suppress it.

The eight-page internal report, leaked to BirminghamLive, revealed that a 'high risk' of disorder triggered by hundreds of 'fighting experienced' hooligans linked to the Israeli club, some with IDF links, was the key reason for the ban.

It also confirms for the first time that West Midlands Police feared there might also be attacks on Maccabi fans as a result of a pro-Palestine, anti-Israel pushback, along with potential trouble from far right activists drawn to the city.

Together that could create a flashpoint in Aston that could potentially need thousands of officers to quell.

The report reveals for the first time that West Midlands Police's chief constable Craig Guildford, under personal attack from politicians over the ban decision, commissioned a peer review into his actions by the National Police Chiefs Council and the UK Football Policing Unit, which concluded he did the right thing based on the information available.

It also reveals that police, Villa, Jewish groups and community organisations attempted to find a new way forward that would allow some Maccabi fans to attend after all, only for the Israeli club to steal a march on a potential u-turn by rejecting their ticket allocation.

Under the police's logo and headed 'Op Parkmill Considerations' the report sets out the intelligence that was gathered and presented by senior officers to Birmingham's Safety Advisory Group earlier last month that prompted the decision to ban away fans.

They rated the match 'high risk' by giving it a score of 77 against a UK Football Policing Unit matrix - one of the highest possible.

When first announced, the decision was slated by senior politicians led by Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood as 'potentially antisemitic', triggering a huge backlash. Senior Tories also piled in, including former mayor Andy Street and party leader Kemi Badenoch.

Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy went on to say the ban was due to a fear of attacks on the Maccabi fans, not by them, and was 'antisemitic'. It led to claims that Birmingham was a 'no go zone' for Jews.

That was seen as a direct attack on senior police and council officials who made the final call. Nandy has since been challenged to apologise to the police but has refused. She has also been slated for accusing local politicians including the area's MP Ayoub Khan of sowing division over the match.

The report had been suppressed by police and the city council in the run-up to the match, triggering widespread speculation.

At one point, the police's press office denied the contents of the report we now have, claiming an earlier press story citing some of its contents was 'not recognised'. Now we have a copy, we can see that those earlier reports were in fact accurate.

The report noted the match had triggered 'great concern' among Jewish, Muslim, Black, business and local resident groups, with fears of attacks on individuals and also on businesses and 'key landmarks' in the area.

The assessment found a 'significant minority' of Maccabi's fans were part of an ultras group called Maccabi Fanatics who had 'strong political leanings' and 'affiliations to the Far Right'.

They have a history of racist behaviour 'including monkey noises towards black players' and a 'concerning history of violence and disorder at home and away', claimed the report. They were likely to 'use pyrotechnics and gather in large numbers', police said.

Equally, some Israeli fans had expressed to the club a reluctance to travel to Birmingham because they viewed it as 'anti Israel with a heavy Muslim population'.

The club had requested physical tickets so they could check them off against passports of each recipient before sale as part of club efforts to curb attendance by potential troublemakers.

Trouble in Amsterdam

The most damning intelligence came from Dutch police who had been involved in quelling major disorder in Amsterdam last year, when Ajax played the Israeli club.

More than 2,800 Israeli fans attended that match, including 'over 200 linked to the Israeli Defence Forces' - the Israeli army that has been leading the assault on Gaza and defending the Israelis from Hamas attacks.

The Dutch police told their counterparts that a series of pre-match attacks by Maccabi ultras on Muslim communities and incitement including anti Arab chants had triggered retaliation and attacks on Maccabi fans, with massive disruption. Some 5,000 police had to quell disorder which ran over three days.

The Villa game had the potential for serious and sustained violence from risk elements of Maccabi fans, leaving local communities 'extremely concerned and in fear', along with the potential for significant protests and "disruption to city centre and wider Birmingham".

The police ruled out alternatives including playing the game behind closed doors as potentially more impartial 'but not fair to Aston Villa fans who have no recent history of disorder'. It would also cause likely tensions with Villa and UEFA and 'may not be legally sound'.

Having no Maccabi Tel Aviv fans was seen to be the 'least risky' option. "This would significantly reduce the tension between local communities and will take away a significant focus of serious disorder," the report states.

The officers acknowledged "this may be seen as antisemitic or anti-Israel" both locally and nationally and would thus need to be 'carefully managed to ensure the rationale for any decision is clearly understood'.

But they also said restricting away fans was a 'tried and tested tactic', with precedents at recent European games.

These included a ban on Lazio fans from the match against Ajax last year for fear of far right racism and antisemitism; a one match ban on Glasgow Rangers fans at a European game for 'sectarian chanting'; and a recent ban on Eintracht Frankfurt fans attending versus Naples 'due to fears of violence'.

A year ago Barcelona supporters were banned from attending the match against Red Star Belgrade due to the 'racist behaviour of their supporters' during an earlier match in Monaco, stated the report.

First produced in early October, the report then included further updates about the events that had unfolded since.

The affair had triggered 'significant media and political interest', the police noted. A personal post by the Prime Minister 'resulted in international debate regarding the perception that the decision was antisemitic and that it should be reviewed.

Opinions have been polarised and caused significant concern, particularly within Jewish communities worldwide', states the report update.

Since the original ban was announced, there had been further trouble at a derby match played in Tel Aviv, with dozens of smoke grenades and pyrotechnics thrown, with 15 injured including three police officers. 

In one aside, the report added: "In a scenario familiar to officers in the UK, the police were blamed for the violence."

There had also been reports of far right influencer Tommy Robinson, hardcore Chelsea fans and members of the English Defence League (EDF) all turning up, triggering more risks.

But, under pressure from the Home Office, the police had been considering 'allowing a number of Maccabi fans into the stadium', the report reveals. This was abandoned when the Tel Aviv club refused its ticket allocation.

West Midlands Police were asked why they did not provide answers to questions about the fan ban earlier, or why the media had to rely on leaked reports rather than full briefings from officers that could have eased wrongful speculation.

They said: "Our original statement did not go into specifics as it wasn’t deemed necessary or helpful at that time.

"When the political commentary around antisemitism developed, our priority was to engage key stakeholders within the Jewish community. We explained the hooliganism element very candidly to them, and we have since been working with those community members on how to deal with what is a very sensitive matter."

They added: "As with any sensitive policing operation, there is a balance to be struck between informing communities and giving away too much operational information."

A major police operation was still required in the city on the night of the Villa game against Maccabi Tel Aviv last Thursday, November 6. Some 700 police were deployed to keep the peace, with 11 arrests made on the night.