An Overt Political Posture

According to the Bell Report and thus the Government, there is antisemitism, and then there is mere “general racism”. The first black woman ever elected to the House of Commons is now its longest-serving female member. But the Labour Party has suspended her twice for having pointed out that it was operating a hierarchy of racism. Yet the Labour Government has just adopted a 27-point plan to give effect to its acceptance of the specialness and superiority of antisemitism, itself defined in line with the infamous IHRA Definition while violating it by conflating Jews with Israel. Keir Starmer commissioned Sir David Bell to produce this to order for internal Labour factional reasons, but his smell and spirit linger on.

Considering how much else has happened in human history, or even just how much else happened during the Second World War, then how much more teaching of the Holocaust could anyone possibly want, since presumably the call is not for the inclusion of, for example, the experience of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller people, whose children remain the worst treated on ethnic grounds by the education system? Education is not a politically neutral act, and those bemoaning bias in it do not want it to be. They just want it to agree with them, on the accurate or inaccurate assumption that it used to.

If you polled black or Asian pupils about being victims of racism at school, then you would not find two in five who said that they never had been. You would not find one. I do not mean one in five. I do not mean one per cent. You would not find one person. Yet as when three non-fatal stabbings led to a COBRA meeting because two of the three victims were Jewish, this is somehow a national emergency while the far bigger problem is just life, suck it up, get on with it. And 60 per cent of Jewish schoolchildren supposedly experience antisemitism at school, while it is not in dispute that only 30 per cent of them do not go to Jewish schools. Take as long as you need.

Moreover, that figure of three in five comes from a survey of 5000 children, 92 of them Jewish. Those 92 were asked if they had personally experienced antisemitism at school. 70 responded, of whom 29 said yes, less than one third of those asked. 12 per cent of respondents said that antisemitism was a problem at their school, with two per cent saying that it was a big problem. All of this, including an extra seven million pounds of public money, is because of the self-reported experience of 29 people. As Ralph Leonard writes:

The British government has announced that it has accepted all 27 recommendations made in a review by Sir David Bell on antisemitism in schools and colleges in England. These include improving Holocaust education, encouraging schools to adopt the IHRA definition, and making sure teachers maintain political impartiality. Bell also calls for the recognition of antisemitism as a “distinct form of hatred”.

There is no question that antisemitism is a growing problem in the UK. In the first half of this year alone, the number of reported antisemitic incidents was up by one fifth. Yet the report’s recommendations risk leading to a situation where children are reluctant to freely express their views for fear of being accused of bigotry. The impact of the IHRA definition in particular could make classrooms sanitised environments, where the thorny political questions of the day — particularly the Israel-Palestine conflict — are never brought up lest anyone be offended.

While the IHRA definition states that criticism of the state of Israel, similar to that levelled against any other country, cannot be treated as antisemitism, it also regards “denying Jewish people’s right to self-determination” as an example of antisemitism. This could leave young people who describe themselves as “anti-Zionist”, or who advocate for a one-state solution between Israel and Palestine with equal rights for all, being accused of racism.

Teachers can and should provide an environment for students to discuss and argue these questions with one another without fear of being accused of prejudice. Let’s take the question of Gaza. Many young people sincerely believe that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza, and some draw comparisons with the Holocaust. The IHRA definition of antisemitism identifies comparisons between Israeli policy and Nazi Germany as examples of antisemitism. Such comparisons are generally grossly hyperbolic, tendentious and emotionally manipulative. But when a student makes one, it is often out of ignorance rather than malice.

These historical comparisons ought to be assessed on evidence, meaning and context — and not automatically assumed to be bigoted, especially when coming from young students. The important point is: are children arriving at their views through their own intellectual reasoning? Or because they are being politically pressured to view an issue a certain way?

Bell is right to suggest that teachers shouldn’t impose their political views on young students or use the classroom to grandstand for a “cause”. Consistency, though, is important. Education Secretary Lucy Powell has declared that schools are not a place for “making protests and statements about geopolitical events”. But just last year, the Department for Education released videos of former education secretary Bridget Phillipson and Keir Starmer sitting alongside pupils waving Ukrainian flags during a school visit. Considering that Britain’s support for Ukraine is most definitely an overt political posture, the recommendations now open a clear field for students to accuse the government of hypocrisy.

The problem of antisemitism is real. Jewish children should not be abused or bullied, and the Israel-Palestine conflict shouldn’t be used as a rationalisation. These two things need to be disaggregated. However, the school climate can only be detoxified if students have an environment where they can learn, think, and work through these questions for themselves. Students might just understand how little they actually know, which is the beginning of becoming an educated person.