Alastair Stephens writes:
The EU is on the
verge of another crisis, driven by mass anger at austerity and a growing
rejection of the political consensus which has dominated European politics for
a generation.
Unless Prime
Minister Matteo Renzi can cause a dramatic change, his flagship package of
constitutional reform will be rejected on Sunday in the country's
third constitutional referendum since the creation of the Italian Republic in
1946.
This will be the crisis
arriving very much in the heart of Europe.
Italy is the third largest economy
in the Eurozone, a founder member of European project (created after all by the
Treaty of Rome) and until recently, one of the most Euroenthusiastic countries
on the continent.
Overgoverned
Renzi and his Democratic Party (the heirs to the
Communist Party, formerly the largest of its kind in the western world, but now
effectively Italy's Social Democratic party) believe that Italy is 'over
governed', there are too many elected bodies with too much power.
They propose to
make the most sweeping changes to the country's 'anti-Fascist' constitution,
adopted in the wake of the fall of Mussolini's regime.
Under the proposed
amendments:
- The Senate, which at present has equal power to the lower house, would cease to be directly elected, would shrink massively (to just 95 members) and would lose most its powers.
- Reference to the country's Provinces (the equivalent of our counties) would be removed allowing them then to be either neutered or abolished by Parliament.
- The National Council for Economics and Labour, a government advisory body made up of economic experts and representatives of employers, trade unions and civil society bodies would be abolished.
Anti-Fascist
The country's existing constitution was heavily
influenced by the left when it was written by a Constituent assembly in 1947.
It was designed to inshrine social rights (it's not for no reason that there is
a giant cog in the state emblem), and prevent the accumulation of too much
power in too few hands.
Many of its
provisions proved to be inoperable or were effectively put on ice through the
anti-Communist hysteria of the 1950s (such as provisions for regional
government), but were revived during the upsurge of the left in the 1970s.
Much brought in to
disrepute by the behaviour of the country's politicians, it is still however
seen as a bulwark by many citizens against authoritarianism and enshrining the
social gains made in the post war period.
Electoral pigsty
Particularly controversial has also been the
country's electoral law, decided by act of parliament.
This was altered
under Silvio Berlusconi's right wing government.
So egregious and undemocratic
was the new law, it quickly became known as the Porcellum (Pig Law).
Renzi's solution to
this was the so-called Italicum law passed last year.
This awards a majority in
parliament to whichever party or coalition won more than 40% of the vote.
Designed to create a two-party system it follows attempts over the last twenty
five years to do this, none of which have altered the fragmented and fractious
nature of Italian parties and their all too numerous liderini.
Opposition
The referendum proposals have faced widespread
opposition.
Originally hatched with Berlusconi, that particularly bankrupt
politician, Renzi then did him over in the election of the president and he
withdrew support.
This left as the only backers the Democratic Party, it's
ally, the New Centre Right (a split from Berlusconi along with a bevy of smaller
parties, including Mario Monti's Civic Choice (the third to last saviour of
Italian politics).
It is also backed by the employers Federation and CISL, the
Catholic aligned, union federation.
Opposed are parties
on both left and right including the inheritors of the traditions of
Rifondazione Communista, now called the Si (Italian Left), and Possibile, a
left split from the Democrats led by former Renzi collaborator Pippo Civati and
the Greens.
Also opposed are
the CGIL, the left aligned union federation, the Association of Partisans, and
Beppe Grillo's populist 5 Star Movement.
Fortunately the
left has not lost its bottle and fallen in behind Renzi because the right
oppose the changes too.
And the right, from Berlusconi through to the Nothen
League to the Fascists, are opposed to the amendments, if for rather more
opportunistic reasons.
Anti-democratic
The radical changes to the constitution have less
to do however with untangling country's blocked political system than opening
the way for fundamental neoliberal reform.
The country's
anti-fascist constitution has long been seen, along with those of some other
European countries as block to neoliberalism due to their excessive democracy
and checks and balances.
Written in the wake of World War Two they were in many
ways meant to express the compromise between mass workers movements and ruling
capitalist classes.
Neoliberalism is the ripping up if that deal and the
imposition of unfettered capitalist domination of all areas of life.
The means
to do this however lies with the state.
Where full
neoliberalism has been imposed, the political system has often been the first
thing to change.
This was the case in those pioneer states, Chile and Turkey,
where military coups were followed by the construction of grossly undemocratic
constitutional orders.
This was not as
necessary in developed countries at the vanguard of this process of reaction.
The US never had to survive the process of democratisation and class
compromise that followed the Second World War, and later the transition which
followed the fall of the Fascist regimes in Southern Europe in the 1970s.
The
US system, its 'democratic' processes dating back to a pre-industrial era, had
never done anything other than represent the unalloyed the interests of the
ruling class.
In Britain without
even a written constitution, the left, as represented by the Labour Party, has
not, since becoming one half of the two party system, attempted to democratise
the state at all.
That chicken came home to roost with Thatcher, who used the
undemocratic nature of the electoral system and the almost unlimited powers of
a British government to enforce sweeping change, and all on a minority of the
vote [well, so had Attlee].
Other layers of government and elected bodies which got on the way were
neutered or simply abolished.
Neoliberal reform
of the sort implemented by Thatcher was simply impossible in Europe, and
despite many pretenders to the title of a 'European Thatcher' none have
succeeded.
Mass anger
As in most referendums, the actual constitutional
arguments matter less than party loyalties and people's feelings about present
issues.
The most important background feature is people being sick of the country's economic misery.
The country's economy has stagnated for two decades and there is a widespread feeling of crisis.
Unemployment is stubbornly high, especially amongst the young.
The most important background feature is people being sick of the country's economic misery.
The country's economy has stagnated for two decades and there is a widespread feeling of crisis.
Unemployment is stubbornly high, especially amongst the young.
The country's
political classes are for this reason desperately unpopular.
Membership of the
European Union and the later the Euro was seen by most People as a guard
against the incompetence and corruption of their own ruling elite.
The years of
austerity forced onto the country by the European Union and the European
Central Bank has shattered many of these illusions.
Europe's
interference in domestic politics has been equally displeasing, people on the
right were angered by the ousting of Berlusconi by the triad of the EU, ECB and
markets.
His first replacement, the unelected, neo-liberal economist, Mario
Monti, angering the left before being ignominiously ousted, only to be replaced
by "Italy's Blair" Matteo Renzi.
Like his idol, he
has gutted his own party, the Democrats are in crisis with their membership in
free fall.
On
Sunday, angry voters on all sides look set to reject the Renzi's
proposal's in a referendum, a matter he has staked his premiership on.
His fall
from power could mean the beginning of the end of the Euro.
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