Peter Oborne writes:
In their interview in the
Christmas edition of The Spectator, Fraser
Nelson and James Forsyth asked the Prime Minister whether he now considered
that his intervention in Libya had been a mistake.
David Cameron accepted that
matters could have gone better since the fall of Gaddafi, but insisted that
‘what we were doing was preventing a mass genocide’.
Like Saddam Hussein’s
weapons of mass destruction, Gaddafi’s genocide seems to have been a fiction.
It was reiterated over and over again by government and in the media in order
to whip up support for the imposition a no-fly zone in March 2011.
However,
there was never any convincing evidence.
Later that summer the International
Crisis Group concluded that ‘There are grounds for questioning the more
sensational reports that the regime was using its air force to slaughter
demonstrators, let alone engaging in anything remotely warranting use of the
term “genocide”.’
Whatever
the true reason for the Franco-British intervention in Libya, there is no
question that it resulted in disaster, as The Spectator warned at the
time.
When I arrived in Benghazi last week, I asked to be taken to Liberation
Square, where Mr Cameron promised Libyans that he would ‘stand with you as
you build your country and build your democracy for the future’.
I was told
this would not be possible as, in common with almost all of central Benghazi,
it was in rebel hands.
One third of the population have been driven from their
homes, the economy has collapsed by 50 per cent, the school system doesn’t work
and assassination squads roam the streets.
When I visited the mayor of Benghazi
in his temporary office (the town hall being in rebel hands), he told me that
since the fall of Gaddafi, ‘We have lived through the worst five years of our
history.’
Meanwhile Britain is making matters even worse, supposing
that was possible, by failing to support the Libyan government.
Based in the
east of the country, it is internationally recognised, having been
democratically elected in the spring of 2014.
It has, sensibly enough, sought
to take control over its own resources and finances by establishing a national
oil company and a central bank, but has been blocked at every turn by Britain
and the international community.
This means that it has no money to fund schools,
hospitals or support public services, let alone fight the latest menace to have
turned up on its doorstep — Daesh.
A month ago the Libyan prime
minister, Abdullah al-Thani, wrote to Philip Hammond offering to cooperate
against Daesh, and also the people-smuggling rackets that funnel migrants from
sub-Saharan Africa across the Mediterranean into Europe.
He still hasn’t received
a reply.
Instead, over Christmas, the British have sanctioned a United Nations
move to oust Mr al-Thani and impose an unelected prime minister.
As far as I
can discover, this is the first time that the UN have sanctioned a coup d’etat
against a democratically elected government.
Predictably this latest initiative
has been rejected not just in eastern Libya but also in Libya’s rival power in
Tripoli (where it is impossible for any person or institution to operate except
with the support of the coalition of militias that totally control the city).
The UN have compounded their policy failures by an arms embargo, making it even
more difficult for the government in Tobruk to take on and defeat Daesh.
Are there any Canadians out
there?
Heroic Major Akram Algomatey is one of 800 policemen and officials
targeted for assassination in Benghazi since David Cameron made his
vainglorious pledge to stand with Libya in Liberation Square. Akram crawled
alive out of his car after it was bombed.
Unfortunately, he says, ‘I left my
leg behind.’ Within six months he was back at his desk, and he has arranged —
and paid for — a new leg to be fitted in a Canadian hospital.
But the
authorities are taking their time over a visa. Major Akram has promised his
fiancée they will not marry until the operation is complete.
I can think of few
worthier cases. Perhaps Prime Minister Trudeau could speed things up?
At an army base I had lunch with
one of the few men who has taken on the SAS and won.
Special forces commander
Abdulah al-Shaafi, a veteran of 40 years in the Libyan army, told me how he had
captured a detachment of British soldiers and intelligence officers when they
were found wandering round the desert at the start of the Libyan uprising in
2011, then handed them over to the UK chargé d’affaires.
He claimed it had all
been good-natured. Now Colonel al-Shaafi is dealing with another problem —
Daesh.
His Brigade 204 in Fweihat, west Benghazi, is fighting Daesh and the
other Islamist groups which control large parts of the city.
The commanding
officer, Colonel Mahdi, told me he was leading a force of civilian volunteers,
100 of whom have been killed over the last year.
What were Daesh fighters like?
Colonel Mahdi told me, ‘They are smart but act like idiots.’ He explained they
were skillful fighters but lacked support among local people.
‘They are
well-trained but the main factor is their beliefs,’ he said. ‘You have to fight
the fighter, and you have to fight his beliefs.’
See also Andy Newman.
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