Kevin Yuill writes:
As I attempted to get into the public gallery at the House
of Commons last Friday afternoon, I heard a huge cheer from the other side of
the road.
It came from a collection of disabled activists, pro-life groups,
religious charities, hospice workers and interested parties demonstrating
against the Assisted Dying Bill.
They had clearly heard the news: parliament
had rejected plans to legalise assisted suicide by an astonishing 330 to 118
votes.
It was certainly a surprise to
many.
The Assisted Dying Bill had the support of powerful and influential
people, including former director of public prosecutions Sir Keir Starmer,
former Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Carey, the Sun, plus assorted celebrities.
It was also claimed that over 80 per cent of the public supported the
legalisation of assisted suicide. Yet the bill was still resoundingly defeated.
The debate and vote showed
‘parliament at its finest’, as Conservative MP Fiona Bruce put it. A huge
number of MPs spoke on both sides of the debate as political allegiances were
swept aside.
MPs showed an ability to think their way through the thicket of emotive
stories and spin to consider the issues and principles at stake.
Respectfully
but critically, MPs listened with the seriousness that the issue of assisted
suicide demands.
After the debate, however, Dignity
in Dying, a pro-assisted-suicide campaign group, complained that parliament had
ignored the public’s demand for legislation.
The Twitteratti said the result
represented ‘the failure of democracy’. Newspapers selectively reported the
debate as being between religious fanatics (what, 330 of them?) and the
rational.
But, reading the transcripts of the
debate, a different picture emerges.
There were many personal stories of the
death of a loved one, but there was also a willingness to engage with the
actual arguments.
Those in favour of the bill argued that assisted suicide was
happening anyway.
Kate Green, a Labour MP, said we should therefore ‘shed the
light of regulation on a situation that we live with today. I would prefer to
see this difficult situation governed by legislation.’
The bill’s sponsor,
Labour MP Rob Marris, said we need legislation as a safeguard against what he
described as ‘amateur suicides’.
Supporters of the bill also highlighted the inequality
between those who could afford to go to Switzerland to die at the Dignitas
clinic, and those who couldn’t. The mantra of ‘choice’ was also heard.
Crispin
Blunt, a Conservative MP, noted that ‘for nearly everyone, the bill will
provide the comfort of having a degree of control over the end of their life.
We must and ought to have a right to choose, despite the concerns about what a
valid choice looks like.’
But these arguments were quickly
shot down.
The MPs demolished the suggestion made by campaign groups that there
is a difference between ‘assisted dying’, as they call it, and assisted suicide.
Liberal Democrat MP John Pugh said, ‘We are talking about assisted suicide, and
there is no essential right for people to demand of the state that it assists
them with their suicide. In fact, it is the policy of governments to reduce the
number of suicides, and normally it is our moral duty to discourage suicide.’
Gordon Marsden, a Labour MP,
agreed: ‘Words matter, as George Orwell said, so we should be using the
appropriate terms. This is about assisted suicide, not assisted dying. It is
not about medication — I am not going to use the word “poison” — but
administering something to someone that will kill them.’
Sir David Amess, a
Conservative MP, was annoyed by the emphasis on choice: ‘We all have the choice
over whether to commit suicide.’
As Conservative MP Caroline Spelman noted, the
bill ‘would not just legitimise suicide, but promote the participation of
others in it.’
Nick Herbert, a Conservative MP, asked ‘if there is a right to
die, why is it constrained by a six-month time period? If there is a right to
die, why is it constrained simply by the fact of having a terminal illness?’
He
continued, ‘The law has always regarded it as wrong to assist in someone’s
suicide because, in the end, we think that suicide is wrong, even if we think
that it should not be a criminal offence. That is why we should take the very
greatest care before taking this fundamentally different step.’
What about the inequality between
those who could, and those who could not, afford to go to Switzerland? MPs
instead concentrated on a much more profound moral inequality implied by this
legislation.
‘What sort of society are we creating if we say that we value
people who are healthy, fit, beautiful and young more than we value people who
are poor, old, crippled, ill and dying?’, asked Conservative MP Sir Edward
Leigh.
In a similar vein, Labour MP Helen Jones said that ‘if we cross the
line, deciding that some lives are less valuable than others, we shall be
opening ourselves up to a process that I think we would deeply regret’.
MPs with a medical background came
out strongly against legalising assisted suicide, rejecting the idea that it is
a medical treatment.
As the Scottish National Party’s Dr Philippa Whitford
stated, ‘I have been involved in the journey to death of many patients, but as
a doctor I have never considered that death was a good treatment for anything,
no matter what was wrong with anyone’.
Ben Howlett, a Conservative MP,
summed up the feelings of many MPs: ‘I admit that I came into the House
thinking that I would support the bill, but listening to the speeches made by
other members… has completely changed my mind.’
The debate was an excellent
advertisement for the Commons’ capacity for wisdom. It even showed this old
cynic that politicians genuinely strive to do what is right.
Perhaps more
importantly, it showed that, when opponents of assisted suicide are armed with
the right arguments, even the slick soundbites of well-funded
pro-assisted-suicide groups count for nothing.
It is very unlikely that any more
bills on assisted suicide will appear in the next five years. Ominously,
though, Dignity in Dying immediately responded by saying it would appeal to the
courts.
‘Parliament has failed to act, and if it fails to recognise its
responsibility over the next five years, then the courts have no choice but to
act instead, to end this suffering and injustice.’
In other words, rather than
rethinking their strategy and coming up with better arguments, assisted-suicide
supporters will attempt to circumvent the democratic rejection of assisted
suicide.
Let us hope that the courts will recognise, as they have publicly
stated many times before, that this is a matter for parliament.
No comments:
Post a Comment