Robert Fisk writes:
Vladimir Putin hasn’t sent his soldiers to Syria just
to show solidarity with Bashar al-Assad. Nor has he flown them into the Russian
bases around Tartous to keep Assad in power. That goes without saying.
And
Putin isn’t worried about losing the only warm water Mediterranean port still
in Moscow’s hands.
He wants a victory.
Syria’s army, the only institution
upon which the regime – indeed, the entire state apparatus – depends is being
re-armed and trained for a serious military offensive against Isis, one which
is meant to have enormous symbolic value both in the Middle East and in the
world.
Military plans always get delayed. And the moment the first artillery
piece sends off a shell, the plans always go wrong.
In Syria, operational
details change every day and every night. But I’ll wager a well-informed guess
right now – and we’ll keep calling this a guess, if only for form’s sake – that
the Syrian army is being primed to recapture the ancient Roman city of Palmyra from the Islamists.
New Russian fighter-bombers, new anti-armour missiles,
perhaps even the new T-90 Russian tanks are being prepared for the desert
terrain.
One of Syria’s most modern air force bases lies scarcely 50 miles from
Palmyra – on the main road east to Homs – and the Syrian army has for months
planned for an attack around the city.
Only weeks ago, they postponed an
offensive for fear that Isis would destroy the rest of the Roman city.
But such
concerns have now diminished. Isis has shown itself quite willing to destroy
the Roman temples without a military assault on its forces.
Now a reminder. At this moment,
I’m keeping to the “informed guess” that I mentioned above.
The regime has to
hold onto Aleppo lest it collapses into Isis hands and is immediately declared
the Caliphate’s Syrian capital.
The Syrian army has to keep open the road to
Lebanon and the heights of Qalamoun along the Lebanese border. It cannot risk
any more towns falling into Isis hands.
But Palmyra is top of the list for the
doubtful privilege of “liberation” from Isis.
The date would be within the next
three weeks, but – since all Middle East battles slide off the time chart – we
could probably run up to early November, before the rains begin sweeping across
the sands from Iraq.
Palmyra is a pearl to be recaptured because the world –
with utter insensitivity, far more concerned about the fate of its imperial
Roman ruins than its people – has registered the city’s loss to Isis last May
as a major success for the “Caliphate”.
But for Putin, an offensive would
– or will – be an epic symbol of Russia’s new projection into the Middle East.
For Obama and Cameron and the rest of our Western leaders, who have fumbled
around Syria for four years, neither dethroning Assad nor defeating Isis, a
Russian-assisted recapture of Palmyra would be a humiliating lesson.
Trusting
in Moscow – and remember that Egyptian President al-Sissi was taking Putin to
the Cairo opera only a few months ago – may look like a better bet for any
Middle East leader than relying on Western support.
Politically, of course, a
post-victory Palmyra will leave Assad much more secure in his half of Syria.
Already the Americans and British are waffling about his “transitional” role in
a future Syrian government – a “transition” which we all know could last for
years.
Putin is not pouring Russian treasure into the Syrian death pit to allow
his man in Damascus to be overthrown.
His Ukrainian president ran away. But
Assad did not scarper off to Russia over these past four years. Nor has he
remained in Damascus only to be pensioned off as a “transitional” president.
But what comes after Palmyra?
The
recapture of much of Aleppo – a far more risky project – or a return to Idlib
city or even an attempt to seize the Isis “capital” of Raqqa? Relief,
certainly, for the surrounded regime garrison in the desert city of Deir
Ezzour.
But a dark genie moves around the Syrian desert, awarding no prizes to
the brave or the foolhardy.
If Russia and Syria have made their plans, be sure
that Isis have other operations up their sleeve; a strike into central
Damascus, for example, as the rebels tried three years ago.
Nor will Russia be able to shake
off the ghosts of Afghanistan in Syria. You cannot “capture” deserts. Nor can a
new Russian air fleet defeat Isis on its own.
At the very least, it must not
tangle with Syria’s neighbours, which is almost certainly why Benjamin
Netanyahu has just met Putin – to ensure that Israel does not misconstrue the
meaning of Russian high altitude planes north-east of Golan.
And the
restoration of regime control – even over Palmyra – will lead to no broad
sunlit uplands. Putin and Assad are not planning for any parliamentary
democracies on the road to Damascus.
But if Isis – along with its Putin-hating
Chechen fighters – gets its wings clipped, then the US – and Nato – will have
to negotiate with Moscow over the future of Syria.
All of which, of course,
will read like a curse to the hundreds of thousands of Syrian refugees bleeding
away from their country on their great trek north through the Balkans.
No comments:
Post a Comment