Caroline Lucas writes:
With the Guardian's recent poll showing half the country is angry with politicians,
you might think this isn't the best time to introduce draconian legislation
that will muzzle dissent and crack down on popular campaigning.
But then again,
you might also think a government that came to power promising a new "big
society" might welcome robust and healthy public debate, led by a diverse
range of grassroots campaigners.
Which only goes to show the extraordinary hypocrisy
of the coalition in ramming through its transparency of lobbying bill (better known as the gagging bill).
By imposing a quite astonishing range of
requirements on campaigning organisations in the run-up to elections, it would
effectively shut down legitimate voices seeking to raise awareness on issues of
public interest, whether they are on NHS reform, housing policy, or wildlife
conservation.
Campaign spending limits for "third party"
organisations – such as charities and pressure groups – would be drastically cut, and the
definition of what constitutes campaigning broadened. And there would be new
forms of regulation for organisations lobbying on issues at constituency level.
The bill faces an unprecedented breadth of
opposition, encompassing everyone from the Taxpayers' Alliance and Oxfam to the
Women's Institute and the Ecumenical Advocacy Alliance. So why is the
government so determined?
As Juliet Swann of the Electoral Reform Society in
Scotland has asked: "What are they trying to prevent? What terrible
thing has happened that they think this will stop from happening in the future?
Why are they trying to fix a hypothetical situation that you can't give me any
examples of?"
Ministers have obviously been chewing over this
question, and have come up with an intriguing answer. It is, you may be
surprised to learn, to protect the Green party's only parliamentary seat from
undue lobbying influence.
Yes, apparently Tory and Lib Dem supporters of the
bill are defending its swingeing provisions at public meetings up and down the
country by claiming they're necessary in order to prevent fracking firm
Cuadrilla pumping a million pounds into Brighton Pavilion to unseat me, and –
of course – they would hate to see that happen.
As Lord Tyler put it in his evidence to the civil society commission:
"If you went to Brighton and spent a lot of money trying to make sure that
Caroline Lucas lost her seat because you thought that she was too antagonistic
to the oil companies, I think you should be registered."
Touched as I am by this sudden outpouring of
concern for the security of my seat, it is, of course, complete bunkum.
Big
business or wealthy people like Lord Ashcroft don't influence politics through
charities, small community groups or campaigning organisations. They often
already gain it through family connections or social networks, or they buy it
through donations to political parties.
Or, in the case of the big energy
companies, they helpfully supply staff to work in government departments.
The provisions of
the lobbying bill will do nothing to stop any of that.
Many of the politicians currently crying
crocodile tears over voter apathy or about party membership are the very same
MPs who are championing a bill designed to close down citizens' engagement with
the democratic process.
Where democracy and participation is alive and well is
at the level of ordinary people's involvement with charities and organisations
such as 38 Degrees.
Sadly,
one of the underlying reasons for the government's attempts to push through
this bill is that it's afraid of the power of informed and organised public
opinion.
What happens over the next few weeks, during
which the bill goes through report stage in the Lords before coming back to the
Commons, will have major implications for the future of democratic debate in this
country.
If Nick Clegg and David Cameron get their way, the legitimate voices
of the third sector will be suppressed, and their power neutered.
If they are determined to push through a law that
silences opposition and destroys such a vibrant and rich civil society, they
could at least refrain from claiming it's on my behalf.
Because it certainly
isn't, and I look forward to making that very clear in a public meeting about
the bill, organised by 38 Degrees, in Brighton today.
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