Here:
It is great to be here in Battersea with you
today.
Last Friday, I was in my constituency, at the
local Citizens Advice Bureau. And I talked to some people who had been preyed
upon by payday lenders. There was a woman there in floods of tears. She was in
work. But she took out a payday loan for her deposit so she could rent
somewhere to live.
And then disaster followed. A payday loan of a
few hundred pounds became a debt of thousands of pounds. She still faces
bullying, harassment and threats from multiple payday lenders.
Like the young mum I met who described sitting at
home with her daughter and seeing an advert on the TV for a payday lender. She
said she was down to the last nappy for her baby. She took out the payday loan.
And one led to many more, with her ending up spending most of the money she had
each week on repayments and charges.
She was so frightened by the harassment she faced
that she had given her mobile phone to her mum. Her mum showed me the phone and
told me that she’d had fifteen calls that day. The woman who worked at the CAB
said the problem had got far, far worse in the last couple of years.
She said: “payday lenders are running riot
through people’s lives in this community.”
Yesterday Wonga released a film all about
themselves. And last night the boss of Wonga said he was speaking for the
‘silent majority’, who are happy with their service. But the truth is he wants
us to stay silent about a company where in one year alone their bad debts
reached £120 million.
An industry in which seven out of ten customers
said they regretted taking out a loan. With half saying they couldn’t pay it
back. Payday lenders don’t speak for the silent majority. They are responsible
for a quiet crisis of thousands of families trapped in unpayable debt. The
Wonga economy is one of the worst symbols of this cost of living crisis. And as
I listened to these stories, my overwhelming thought was: how is this being
allowed to happen in Britain, 2013?
Because these stories of payday lenders are just
one part of the cost of living crisis facing families across our country. Low
skilled jobs. Wages that are stagnating. Predatory behaviour by some companies.
This isn’t just an issue for the lowest paid, it
affects the squeezed middle just as much. A country where a few at the top do
well, but everybody else struggles. This is not just an issue facing Britain.
It is the issue facing Britain.
It is about who our country is run for. How it is
run. And whether we believe we can do better than this.
I do.
The Nature of the Problem Now
David Cameron said
recently that I wanted to “talk about the cost of living” because I didn’t want
to talk about “economic policy.” So we have a Prime Minister who thinks we can
detach our national economic success from the success of Britain’s families and
businesses. He doesn’t seem to realise that there is no such thing as a
successful economy which doesn’t carry Britain’s families with it.
And he obviously doesn’t get that the old link
between growth and living standards is just broken. Growth without national
prosperity is not economic success. The first and last test of economic policy
is whether living standards for ordinary families are rising.
And the scale of the problem is familiar to
millions of people in our country. The official figures say that on average
working people are £1,500 a year worse off than they were at the election. And
it has happened because prices are rising faster than wages. In 39 out of the
40 months that David Cameron has been Prime Minister.
But the average doesn’t tell you the whole story.
We don’t just need average wages to creep higher than prices. For people to be
genuinely better off, we have to do much better than that. Ordinary families
are hit harder than average by higher prices. They rely more on expensive basic
necessities, like electricity and gas.
And ordinary families do worse than the average
when it comes to wage increases. Because those increases are scooped by a few
at the top. Chief executive pay went up by 7 per cent last year. When everyone
else’s wages were falling.
We can’t just make do and mend. We need to do
much better than we are. Can Anything Be Done? And that means we can’t just
carry on as we are. We have to permanently restore the link between growth and
living standards for all of Britain’s working people. This Government can’t do
it.
And the reason is because they are wedded to
Britain competing in a race to the bottom. Listen to their silence on our plans
for a living wage. Nothing to say. On the falling value of the minimum wage.
Nothing to say. On zero-hours contracts. Nothing to say. On the exploitation of
low-skill migrant labour which undercuts wages. Nothing to say. They’re silent
because of what they believe in.
In his speech to the Conservative Party
Conference, George Osborne described my argument that they believed in a race
to the bottom as something straight out of “Karl Marx” and “Das Kapital.” No.
He’s wrong. It is about what is happening in this capital city. Right here. And
towns and cities across the country. Right now. Now, they think that this low
wage economy is the best we can do.
Because they believe doing anything about it
means intervening in markets in ways that we shouldn’t. I disagree. A dynamic
market economy, with profitable private sector companies is essential for
creating the wealth we need. But markets always have rules.
The question is: what do those rules allow? And
what do they encourage? Do they encourage companies to create high-skill,
high-wage jobs, as part of a race to the top? And provide the support they need
to do so?
Or do they encourage a race to the bottom of low
wages and low skills? Do the rules mend broken markets? Or allow some firms to
take advantage of broken markets at the expense of everybody else? All
governments set rules for what they want to see.
This Government does intervene in markets but in
the wrong way. They make it easier to fire people. Water down rights for agency
workers. Turn a blind eye to the failure to pay the minimum wage. Pushing
companies to compete on low wages, low skills and worse terms and conditions.
They introduce tax cuts for the richest. Defend bonuses for the bankers. Stand
up for a powerful few. Supporting their belief that wealth will trickle down
from those at the top to everybody else.
Don’t believe it when they say they are stepping
away, they are stepping in all the time, stepping in to stand up for the wrong
people. High hopes for those at the top. Low expectations for everyone else.
A race to the bottom. When what we need is a race
to the top.
Dealing with the Cost of Living Crisis: Jobs
To win that race to the top, we are going to earn
and grow our way out of this cost of living crisis. Not by spending money we
don’t have. Because we have to bring the deficit down. But by building a
different kind of economy. One that really works for working people.
That starts with the jobs our country creates.
David Cameron is still on his lap of honour. To celebrate how brilliantly he
has done. In the slowest recovery for a hundred years. We still face a massive
challenge of creating jobs in this country. There are still nearly two and half
million people unemployed in Britain and nearly a million young people are
still looking for work.
And when we look at the jobs in our economy, too
many are low paid, part-time and temporary. Half of new jobs have been in low
paid sectors of the economy. We have 1.4 million people working part-time when
they want full-time work. More than ever before.
And we’ve got more people in a temporary job
because they can’t find a permanent one. The Tories don’t think we can do
anything about it. They think it is the way we compete with China and India.
But they are wrong.
A Labour government will put all our country’s
effort into winning a race to the top. And that means taking action on both the
quantity and quality of jobs that we are creating. We can only win a race to
the top if we transform our vocational education system and apprenticeships in
this country, which is what we will do.
We can only win a race to the top if we radically
transform the way we support business in every part of our country, with a
proper regional banking system learning the lessons of Germany, which is what
we will do.
We can only win a race to the top if we support
the small businesses that will create the jobs of the future, by cutting
business rates, which is what we will do.
We can only win a race to the top if we help
parents get back to work and start earning to support their families by
extending childcare for working parents to 25 hour a week, which is what we
will do.
And we can only win a race to the top with a
proper industrial policy, including for environmental jobs, which is what we
will do.
All this is about re-engineering the British
economy so that we make a difference to the kinds of jobs we create.
You can’t do it if you believe in a race to the bottom.
You can only do it if you believe in a race to
the top.
Dealing with the Cost of Living Crisis: Wages
So dealing with the cost of living crisis starts
with jobs. But it is also about wages. Wages for millions of people have been
in decline for far too long. I am talking about people battling to do the right
thing and struggling and struggling. Hard, honest work, in supermarkets, on
building sites, in call centres. Working harder, for longer, for less.
We have a low pay emergency in this country. Five
million people now paid less than the living wage. Working for their poverty.
Up at least 1.4 million in just the last four years. To one in five of all
employed workers. More of Britain’s poor children today are being brought up in
working families than in jobless families.
And low wages aren’t just bad for working people.
They cost money in benefits too. As the country has to subsidise more and more
low paid jobs with higher and higher tax credits and benefits. The government
now pays more out on tax credits and benefits to those in work than it does for
who are unemployed. So to those who say we can’t afford to do anything about
wages in our country today: I say we can’t afford not to. And many businesses
now recognise that a low pay economy is bad for them too.
I was in Bristol last Thursday night talking to
cleaners who are paid the living wage. They told how proud to work for a firm
like that. Better pay means lower turnover of staff. Higher productivity. So we
have to end the scandal of poverty pay in this country.
We would strengthen the minimum wage, which has
lost 5 per cent of its value under this government. We are looking at the case
for higher minimum wages in particular sectors of the economy, like financial
services, where they can afford to pay more.
And we will go further than that too.
That is why the next Labour government from its
first day in office, will offer “make work pay” contracts to employers all over
Britain. It is a simple deal. For the first year of a Labour government, we
will say to every firm: You start to make work pay, through a living wage. And
we will give you a 12 month tax rebate of 32p for every extra pound they spend.
Make work pay contracts will raise wages, keep the benefit bill down and tackle
the cost of living crisis.
It is a good deal for workers, business and the taxpayer too.
And by tackling low pay we won’t just strengthen
our economy, we will strengthen our society as well.
It is not good for our country for people to be working 60 or 70 hours a week,
doing 2 or 3 jobs, not having time to see their kids.
We will change it. Under a One Nation Labour
government: work will pay.
Dealing with the Cost of Living Crisis: Broken
Markets
And tackling the cost of living crisis is also
about ensuring markets work for working people. And that means fixing markets
when they are broken. This power station was built in the 1920s after a
Conservative government intervened to fix a broken energy market.
That government, of Stanley Baldwin, knew that if
government didn’t fix broken markets, nobody else was going to. Stanley Baldwin
knew it. John Major seems to understand it. But David Cameron doesn’t.
His response to Labour’s energy price freeze
shows how out of the mainstream he is. He took issue with the whole idea of
government intervention in a broken market. Ever since, on energy he seems to
have had a different policy every day of the week.
But what we know is that we can never expect him
to stand up to the energy companies, because they are a large and powerful
interest. It is not who David Cameron is. It is not what he does. He stands up
to the weak, never to the strong. For the next eighteen months, people will
hear scare stories from the unholy alliance of the energy companies and David
Cameron. The Big Seven. It will just reinforce in people’s minds who he stands
up for. The six large energy companies. Not the 60 million people of Britain.
Today, new figures confirm that most of the
recent price rises weren’t caused by government levies or by a rise in
wholesale prices. But are the direct result of a broken market. For the average
increase in the price for electricity and gas since 2011, over half went
straight to the costs and profits of the companies themselves. This shows
exactly why we need a price freeze now. Because only a price freeze will
protect customers while we re-set the market.
A price freeze until 2017 will happen if Labour
wins the election. A freeze that will benefit 27 million families and 2.4
million businesses.
It is workable and it will happen. And tomorrow,
Parliament will vote on that price freeze. So Conservative and Liberal Democrat
MPs could vote for it now. And if they line up against it, the British people
will know the truth: This Government is on the side of the big energy companies
not hard-pressed families.
And our price freeze until 2017 will pave the way
for us to radically improve the energy market for the long term. We will
publish an Energy Green Paper for: A regulator that can cut unjustified price
rises. A ring fence between the generation and supply businesses of the energy
companies, so there is proper transparency. Forcing energy companies to trade
the energy they produce in the open market. And a new simple tariff structure
that people can understand.
So we will change the way the energy market
works. In a way that will provide long-term confidence for investors and a
better deal for consumers. And we will mend other markets that aren’t working
in the public interest.
Opening up competition in banking. A cap on the
cost of credit in payday lending. Proper regulation of our train companies.
Ending unjustified charges and fees in the private rented sector. And new
social tariffs in the water industry. The Conservative Party defends broken
markets and the few people that profit from them. I am proud that the Labour
Party stands up for markets that work for working people.
Conclusion
The next general election will offer a big
choice. A choice about whether we tackle the cost of living crisis or shrug our
shoulders. A choice about whether we run a race to the top or a race to the
bottom. A choice about whether we reform broken markets or defend them. A
choice about how we succeed as a country.
Above all, the choice will be about who our
country is run for. There is a Tory vision for Britain that has low
expectations for what most people should be able to expect. Payday lenders can
prey on the vulnerable. Millions of families see stagnating living standards.
Energy companies can just carry on as they are, ripping off consumers.
My vision is different. We can run Britain in a
different way. Different from the past. Building a different future for our
country. Where ordinary people feel the country is run for them. In their
interests. And for their future. Earning our way to a better standard of
living. Sharing rewards fairly. And making markets work for people, not the
other way round.
Britain can do better than this.
And that’s what One Nation Labour will do.
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