Gerald Warner writes:
The Syrian narrative is clear-cut. On one side of the conflict is the brutal
regime of Bashar al-Assad, waging war against its own people, torturing,
raping, killing women and children without compunction and imminently facing
overthrow.
On the other side is the Free Syrian Army, representative of the population,
inadequately armed but fighting gallantly, against daunting odds, to destroy
tyranny and establish democracy and human rights.
Such is the picture painted by the BBC, the Coalition government and all the
usual suspects drawn from the progressive consensus. The media have applied the
simplistic imagery of an old Hollywood Western to the politics of the Middle
East: the goodies in the white hats are the Syrian rebels; the baddies in
black hats are the Syrian Army and Shabiha militia. If the goodies win, the
outcome will be a sort of Lib Dem/Green government in Damascus.
The nastiness of the Assad regime has been rehearsed sufficiently to require
no further elaboration. What has gone largely unrehearsed is the equivalent
nastiness of the rebels and the infinitely worse prospects for Syria under
their chaotic and murderous control, entailing an infinity of bloody and
sectarian civil war, with the extermination of certain minorities an openly
avowed objective. The Free Syrian Army is an illusion. There are at least 20
major militias contending for power in the north of the country alone. Their
atrocities rival those of the regime. They include such japes as releasing
prisoners to drive off in booby-trapped cars which then explode at army
checkpoints.
The sophisticated policy the rebels have adopted is to commit atrocities and
then doctor the facts to make them look like the work of Assad’s forces. In
this way they not only contrive to commit murder with impunity but also gain
from increased international revulsion against the regime. A classic example
was the notorious Houla massacre in May, described by UN envoy Kofi Annan as
the “tipping point” in the Syrian crisis, when 100 people, mainly women and
children, were killed, allegedly by government forces. In reaction, Britain
expelled the Syrian ambassador, as did France, Germany, the United States and
other Western nations. Only last month did the German newspaper Frankfurter
Allgemeine Zeitung publish evidence that the victims were Alawite and Shia
Muslims murdered by Sunni militiamen.
The photograph published by the BBC purporting to show the mass grave of
supposed victims of Assad’s forces at Houla turned out to be a picture taken in
Iraq a decade ago by photographer Marco Di Lauro of Getty Images. Not until
last March did Human Rights Watch admit that Syrian rebels are guilty of
kidnappings, torture and executions. Execution of prisoners is known as
“sending them to Cyprus”. Alex Thomson, of Channel 4 News, has exposed the attempt
by rebels to lure him into a situation where he was likely to be killed by the
Syrian army, in the hope that the death of a Western journalist would embarrass
the Assad regime and induce Russia and China to withdraw support. Yet the
United States and Nato are openly supportive of these forces of anarchy. Many
of them are militant Islamists: the al-Qaeda flag is frequently flown by rebel
militias.
Western support for the “Arab Spring” is cretinous. Tunisia, the first
domino, is now introducing Sharia law. Egypt is on the cusp of falling into the
hands of the Muslim Brotherhood. In Libya, the British media and foreign
secretary hailed the recent election result as a victory for secularists
because they won 40 of 80 parliamentary seats allocated to political parties;
but only when parliament meets will the 120 “independent” candidates, many of
them Islamists, show their hand. With a record like that, support for further
destabilisation in Syria is perverse.
Especially targeted for genocide are Syria’s Christians, who include the
last small enclave speaking Aramaic, the language of Christ. Rebel jihadists
have sacked Christian churches; photographic evidence shows a militiaman
dressed in looted priestly vestments, resembling a scene from Spain in 1936.
The Brigade of Islam, a Wahhabi group, killed Christians in Damascus during the
rebels’ occupation of the capital. In the town of Qusayr, the last remaining
Christian inhabitants out of 10,000 formerly resident have fled. In April,
50,000 Christians were expelled from Homs.
Who cares? Christians are not a fashionable minority. In 2,000 years of
Christianity there have been 70 million Christian martyrs, 45 million of them
in the 20th century. Today the martyrdom rate worldwide is 105,000 a year, or
one killing every five minutes. It is a measure of the lethal threat posed by
Syrian rebels that an Assad victory in the “mother of all battles” in Aleppo
would be the less destructive outcome.
Your erstwhile colleague. You and he are both proud exiles from Telegraph Blogs, free to publish vitally important material like this instead.
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