John Pilger writes:
The British government’s threat to invade the
Ecuadorean embassy in London and seize Julian Assange is of historic
significance. David Cameron, the former PR man to a television industry
huckster and arms salesman to sheikdoms, is well placed to dishonour
international conventions that have protected Britons in places of upheaval.
Just as Tony Blair’s invasion of Iraq led directly to the acts of terrorism in
London on 7 July 2005, so Cameron and Foreign Secretary William Hague have
compromised the safety of British representatives across the world.
Threatening to abuse a law designed to expel
murderers from foreign embassies, while defaming an innocent man as an “alleged
criminal”, Hague has made a laughing stock of Britain across the world, though
this view is mostly suppressed in Britain. The same brave newspapers and
broadcasters that have supported Britain’s part in epic bloody crimes, from the
genocide in Indonesia to the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, now attack the
“human rights record” of Ecuador, whose real crime is to stand up to the bullies
in London and Washington.
It is as if the Olympics happy-clappery has been
subverted overnight by an illuminating display of colonial thuggery. Witness
the British army officer-cum-BBC reporter Mark Urban “interviewing” a braying
Sir Christopher Meyer, Blair’s former apologist in Washington, outside the
Ecuadorean embassy, the pair of them erupting with Blimpish indignation that
the unclubbable Assange and the uncowed Rafael Correa should expose the western
system of rapacious power. Similar affront is vivid in the pages of the
Guardian, which has counselled Hague to be “patient” and that storming the
embassy would be “more trouble than it is worth”. Assange was not a political
refugee, the Guardian declared, because “neither Sweden nor the UK would in
any case deport someone who might face torture or the death penalty”.
The irresponsibility of this statement matches the
Guardian’s perfidious role in the whole Assange affair. The paper knows full
well that documents released by WikiLeaks indicate that Sweden has consistently
submitted to pressure from the United States in matters of civil rights. In
December 2001, the Swedish government abruptly revoked the political refugee
status of two Egyptians, Ahmed Agiza and Mohammed el-Zari, who were handed to a
CIA kidnap squad at Stockholm airport and “rendered” to Egypt, where they were
tortured. An investigation by the Swedish ombudsman for justice found that the
government had “seriously violated” the two men’s human rights.
In a 2009 US embassy cable obtained by WikiLeaks,
entitled “WikiLeaks puts neutrality in the Dustbin of History”, the Swedish
elite’s vaunted reputation for neutrality is exposed as a sham. Another US
cable reveals that “the extent of [Sweden’s military and intelligence] co-operation
[with Nato] is not widely known” and unless kept secret “would open the
government to domestic criticism”.
The Swedish foreign minister, Carl Bildt, played a
notorious leading role in George W Bush’s Committee for the Liberation of Iraq
and retains close ties to the Republican Party’s extreme right. According to
the former Swedish director of public prosecutions Sven-Erik Alhem, Sweden’s
decision to seek the extradition of Assange on allegations of sexual misconduct
is “unreasonable and unprofessional, as well as unfair and disproportionate”.
Having offered himself for questioning, Assange was given permission to leave
Sweden for London where, again, he offered to be questioned. In May, in a final
appeal judgment on the extradition, Britain’s Supreme Court introduced more
farce by referring to non-existent “charges”.
Accompanying this has been a vituperative personal
campaign against Assange. Much of it has emanated from the Guardian, which,
like a spurned lover, has turned on its besieged former source, having hugely
profited from WikiLeaks disclosures. With not a penny going to Assange or
WikiLeaks, a Guardian book has led to
a lucrative Hollywood movie deal. The authors, David Leigh and Luke Harding,
gratuitously abuse Assange as a “damaged personality” and “callous”. They also
reveal the secret password he had given the paper which was designed to protect
a digital file containing the US embassy cables. On 20 August, Harding was
outside the Ecuadorean embassy, gloating on his blog that “Scotland Yard may
get the last laugh”. It is ironic, if entirely appropriate, that a Guardian
editorial putting the paper’s latest boot into Assange bears an uncanny
likeness to the Murdoch press’s predictable augmented bigotry on the same
subject. How the glory of Leveson, Hackgate and honourable, independent
journalism doth fade.
His tormentors make the point of Assange’s
persecution. Charged with no crime, he is not a fugitive from justice. Swedish
case documents, including the text messages of the women involved, demonstrate
to any fair-minded person the absurdity of the sex allegations – allegations
almost entirely promptly dismissed by the senior prosecutor in Stockholm, Eva
Finne, before the intervention of a politician, Claes Borgström. At the pre-trial
of Bradley Manning, a US army investigator confirmed that the FBI was secretly
targeting the “founders, owners or managers of WikiLeaks” for espionage.
Four years ago, a barely noticed Pentagon
document, leaked by WikiLeaks, described how WikiLeaks and Assange would be
destroyed with a smear campaign leading to “criminal prosecution”. On 18
August, the Sydney Morning Herald
disclosed, in a Freedom of Information release of official files, that the
Australian government had repeatedly received confirmation that the US was
conducting an “unprecedented” pursuit of Assange and had raised no objections.
Among Ecuador’s reasons for granting asylum is Assange’s abandonment “by the
state of which he is a citizen”. In 2010, an investigation by the Australian Federal
Police found that Assange and WikiLeaks had committed no crime. His persecution is an assault on us all and on
freedom.
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