Both the Prime Minister
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer come from refugee families.
David Cameron is an aristocratic
Scottish Unionist such as dominated the politics of Scotland until well into
the post-War period.
George Osborne is an aristocratic
Irish Unionist such as dominated the politics of Ireland and then of Northern
Ireland until the General Election of February 1974, 40 years ago yesterday; if
anything, they retain more of a hold in the 26 Counties than they do in the
Six, but still nothing approaching that which was enjoyed by Osborne’s fairly
recent ancestors and their caste.
Well within living
memory in several cases, and still within it in all of them, previously impregnable
WASP oligarchies have been brought down on four continents, not by their formal
enemies, but by the clients through whom they had previously exercised untrammelled power.
Consider the United
Party of South Africa. Consider the Liberal Party, and to an extent even the
National Party, in the Australia of the 1970s or even later, and then consider
them, especially the Liberals, today. Consider the Republican Party before and
after Nixon, Reagan, Buchanan, the forces around Bush the Younger (even though
he himself is WASP royalty play-acting a part), and then the Tea Party. Consider
Canada.
Consider the Ulster
Unionist Party. Consider the Scottish Unionist Party. And consider the
Conservative Party before and after first Powellism (also a contributing factor
in the emergence of the DUP as dominant, with Jeffrey Donaldson as the key
linkman), and then Thatcherism.
The present situation
looks like a reversion to the old order. But it is a swansong, pointedly headed
by a Scottish Unionist émigré and by an Irish Unionist émigré, who is quite possibly
the next Leader of the Conservative Party.
There is no comparison
with the days of Alec Douglas-Home and of the Ulster Unionist grandees who took
his Whip, since those were figures capable of being elected in Scotland and
Northern Ireland, and indeed of dominating the politics of those places.
Most English-speaking
constituencies in South Africa ended up electing National Party MPs, and the
rest went to small liberal or liberal-ish parties that were in any case partly
associated with a certain outsider status, notably that of Helen Suzman’s
Jewishness. The anti-apartheid movement did eventually defeat the National
Party, but it had been the National Party that had defeated the WASP elite long
before that.
There is still a
Unionist majority in Northern Ireland. It is the Ulster Unionist Party that
has as good as gone away; the party of the drawling
Lord Brookeborough and Sir Terence O’Neill, the Red Hand his family symbol and
that fact the only way of connecting his name to anything else about him. In that form, that party has gone away entirely. It
has been defeated. But not by Irish Nationalism.
The Australian Labor
Party and the Labour Party in Scotland, each with close links to the Catholic
Church and to a wider Irish subculture behind that, did not defeat the
Australian Liberals or the Scottish Unionists.
The Irish Catholics largely
took over the Liberals, something that beggars belief when set within even an
extremely recent historical context, and still not to be overstated, in that
the personal opinions of someone like Tony Abbott are still not necessarily party
policy, just as his economic and geopolitical views, which are, are not compatible
with Catholic orthodoxy. The anti-Labour vote in Scotland is as large as ever,
and more dominant than at any time since 1964. It is just that it now goes to
the SNP.
Such is the kind of right-wing
populism that replaced the Canadian Tories and the Ulster Unionists wholesale, that replaced
the Country Club Republicans and the old Australian Liberals to a very
considerable extent, that took over the Conservative Party from the middle of the
1970s onwards, and that is now deserting it in its neo-Macmillanite phase, to the
impending electoral doom of both.
But to where will the
Camerons and the Osbornes run then?
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