It's called the pottery store rule: "you
break it, you own it". But it doesn't just apply to pots and mugs, but to
nations.
In the build-up to the catastrophic invasion of Iraq, it was invoked
by Colin Powell, then US secretary of state. "You are going to be the
proud owner of 25 million people," he reportedly told George W Bush.
"You will own all their hopes, aspirations and problems."
But while many of these military interventions have left nations shattered, western governments have resembled the customer who walks away whistling, hoping no one has noticed the mess left behind.
Our media have been all too complicit in allowing them to leave the scene.
Libya is a striking example.
The UN-authorised air campaign in 2011 is often lauded as a shining example of successful foreign intervention.
Sure, the initial mandate – which was simply to protect civilians – was exceeded by nations who had only recently been selling arms to Muammar Gaddafi, and the bombing evolved into regime-change despite Russia's protests.
But with a murderous thug ejected from power, who could object?
Today's Libya is overrun by militias and faces a deteriorating human rights situation, mounting chaos that is infecting other countries, growing internal splits, and even the threat of civil war.
Only occasionally does this growing crisis creep into the headlines: like when an oil tanker is seized by rebellious militia; or when a British oil worker is shot dead while having a picnic; or when the country's prime minister is kidnapped.
According to Amnesty International, the "mounting curbs on freedom of expression are threatening the rights Libyans sought to gain".
A repressive Gaddafi-era law has been amended to criminalise any insults to officials or the general national congress (the interim parliament).
One journalist, Amara al-Khattabi, was put on trial for alleging corruption among judges.
Satellite television stations deemed critical of the authorities have been banned, one station has been attacked with rocket-propelled grenades, and journalists have been assassinated.
Some human rights abuses began in the tumultuous days that followed Gaddafi's removal, and were ignored by the west.
Ever since the fall of his dictatorship, there have been stories of black Libyans being treated en masse as Gaddafi loyalists and attacked.
In a savage act of collective punishment, 35,000 people were driven out of Tawergha in retaliation for the brutal siege of the anti-Gaddafi stronghold of Misrata.
The town was trashed and its inhabitants have been left in what human rights organisations are calling "deplorable conditions" in a Tripoli refugee camp. Such forced removals continue elsewhere.
Thousands have been arbitrarily detained without any pretence of due process; and judges, prosecutors, lawyers and witnesses have been attacked or even killed.
Libya's first post-Gaddafi prosecutor general, Abdulaziz Al-Hassadi, was assassinated in the town of Derna last month.
But it is the militias that filled the post-Gaddafi vacuum who represent the greatest threat to Libyans' human rights and security.
"Libya has been sitting on the international community's back burner as the country has slipped into near chaos," warns Human Rights Watch.
In an attempt to integrate militias into the state machinery, the weak central government pays 160,000 members of these often violent gangs $1,000 a month and charges them with upholding authority.
When residents of Benghazi – the heartland of the revolution – protested against militia rule in June last year, 32 people were killed in what became known as "Black Saturday".
In another protest in Tripoli last November, 46 died and 500 were injured.
Under militia rule, Libya is beginning to disintegrate.
Last summer forces under the command of the warlord Ibrahim Jadran took control of eastern oil terminals, demanding autonomy and more resources for Cyrenaica, the long-neglected oil-rich east of the country.
Oil exports collapsed from about 1.5m barrels a day to fewer than 500,000, costing the country billions of dollars.
Although Jadran's forces initially only drew support from the Magharba people, other ethnic groups have now joined his struggle.
It is these forces which hijacked a oil tanker this month, prompting threats from Libya's prime minister that it would be bombed until US forces captured it this weekend. Clashes have broken out in Jadran's home town of Ajdabiya.
In painful echoes of Iraq's nightmare, a car bomb exploded at a Benghazi military base last week and killed at least eight soldiers, and Libya's main airport was shut on Friday after a bomb exploded on its runway.
One of the great perversities of the so-called war on terror is that fundamentalist Islamist forces have flourished as a direct consequence of it.
Libya is no exception, even though such movements often have little popular support.
The Muslim Brotherhood and other elements are better organised than many of their rivals, helping to remove the prime minister, push through legislation, and establish alliances with opportunistic militias.
Ominously, Libya's chaos is spilling across the region.
The country is awash with up to 15 million rifles and other weapons, and a report by the UN panel of experts this month found that "Libya has become a primary source of illicit weapons".
These arms are fuelling chaos in 14 countries, including Somalia, the Central African Republic, Nigeria and Niger.
Qatar is helping to deliver Libyan armaments to Syria, where Russian-made weapons bought by Gaddafi's regime are being given to fundamentalist Islamist rebels.
In what has all the hallmarks of mission creep, a small number of US soldiers are being sent to Tripoli to begin training troops.
But a stable future for Libya seems remote, however much the country's strife is safely hidden away from the headlines.
It is dividing along every fracture line imaginable: whether it be ethnic, tribal, regional or political. Most Libyans have failed to even register for upcoming elections.
There is a real prospect of the country collapsing into civil war or even breaking up.
Unless there are negotiated settlements to its multiple problems, Libya will surely continue its descent into mayhem, and the region could be dragged into the mire with it.
No wonder western governments and journalists who hailed the success of this intervention are so silent. But here are the consequences of their war, and they must take responsibility for them.
But while many of these military interventions have left nations shattered, western governments have resembled the customer who walks away whistling, hoping no one has noticed the mess left behind.
Our media have been all too complicit in allowing them to leave the scene.
Libya is a striking example.
The UN-authorised air campaign in 2011 is often lauded as a shining example of successful foreign intervention.
Sure, the initial mandate – which was simply to protect civilians – was exceeded by nations who had only recently been selling arms to Muammar Gaddafi, and the bombing evolved into regime-change despite Russia's protests.
But with a murderous thug ejected from power, who could object?
Today's Libya is overrun by militias and faces a deteriorating human rights situation, mounting chaos that is infecting other countries, growing internal splits, and even the threat of civil war.
Only occasionally does this growing crisis creep into the headlines: like when an oil tanker is seized by rebellious militia; or when a British oil worker is shot dead while having a picnic; or when the country's prime minister is kidnapped.
According to Amnesty International, the "mounting curbs on freedom of expression are threatening the rights Libyans sought to gain".
A repressive Gaddafi-era law has been amended to criminalise any insults to officials or the general national congress (the interim parliament).
One journalist, Amara al-Khattabi, was put on trial for alleging corruption among judges.
Satellite television stations deemed critical of the authorities have been banned, one station has been attacked with rocket-propelled grenades, and journalists have been assassinated.
Some human rights abuses began in the tumultuous days that followed Gaddafi's removal, and were ignored by the west.
Ever since the fall of his dictatorship, there have been stories of black Libyans being treated en masse as Gaddafi loyalists and attacked.
In a savage act of collective punishment, 35,000 people were driven out of Tawergha in retaliation for the brutal siege of the anti-Gaddafi stronghold of Misrata.
The town was trashed and its inhabitants have been left in what human rights organisations are calling "deplorable conditions" in a Tripoli refugee camp. Such forced removals continue elsewhere.
Thousands have been arbitrarily detained without any pretence of due process; and judges, prosecutors, lawyers and witnesses have been attacked or even killed.
Libya's first post-Gaddafi prosecutor general, Abdulaziz Al-Hassadi, was assassinated in the town of Derna last month.
But it is the militias that filled the post-Gaddafi vacuum who represent the greatest threat to Libyans' human rights and security.
"Libya has been sitting on the international community's back burner as the country has slipped into near chaos," warns Human Rights Watch.
In an attempt to integrate militias into the state machinery, the weak central government pays 160,000 members of these often violent gangs $1,000 a month and charges them with upholding authority.
When residents of Benghazi – the heartland of the revolution – protested against militia rule in June last year, 32 people were killed in what became known as "Black Saturday".
In another protest in Tripoli last November, 46 died and 500 were injured.
Under militia rule, Libya is beginning to disintegrate.
Last summer forces under the command of the warlord Ibrahim Jadran took control of eastern oil terminals, demanding autonomy and more resources for Cyrenaica, the long-neglected oil-rich east of the country.
Oil exports collapsed from about 1.5m barrels a day to fewer than 500,000, costing the country billions of dollars.
Although Jadran's forces initially only drew support from the Magharba people, other ethnic groups have now joined his struggle.
It is these forces which hijacked a oil tanker this month, prompting threats from Libya's prime minister that it would be bombed until US forces captured it this weekend. Clashes have broken out in Jadran's home town of Ajdabiya.
In painful echoes of Iraq's nightmare, a car bomb exploded at a Benghazi military base last week and killed at least eight soldiers, and Libya's main airport was shut on Friday after a bomb exploded on its runway.
One of the great perversities of the so-called war on terror is that fundamentalist Islamist forces have flourished as a direct consequence of it.
Libya is no exception, even though such movements often have little popular support.
The Muslim Brotherhood and other elements are better organised than many of their rivals, helping to remove the prime minister, push through legislation, and establish alliances with opportunistic militias.
Ominously, Libya's chaos is spilling across the region.
The country is awash with up to 15 million rifles and other weapons, and a report by the UN panel of experts this month found that "Libya has become a primary source of illicit weapons".
These arms are fuelling chaos in 14 countries, including Somalia, the Central African Republic, Nigeria and Niger.
Qatar is helping to deliver Libyan armaments to Syria, where Russian-made weapons bought by Gaddafi's regime are being given to fundamentalist Islamist rebels.
In what has all the hallmarks of mission creep, a small number of US soldiers are being sent to Tripoli to begin training troops.
But a stable future for Libya seems remote, however much the country's strife is safely hidden away from the headlines.
It is dividing along every fracture line imaginable: whether it be ethnic, tribal, regional or political. Most Libyans have failed to even register for upcoming elections.
There is a real prospect of the country collapsing into civil war or even breaking up.
Unless there are negotiated settlements to its multiple problems, Libya will surely continue its descent into mayhem, and the region could be dragged into the mire with it.
No wonder western governments and journalists who hailed the success of this intervention are so silent. But here are the consequences of their war, and they must take responsibility for them.
But Owen is on the Left so what coherent argument does he have against liberal intervention?
ReplyDeleteAs Britain's pre-eminent masss immigration enthusiast, he doesn't support our own borders.
So he believes in the inviolability of Libya's borders but not Britain's?
Consistency is just not the Lefts strongpoint.
A crusty old Right-wing isolationist like Peter at least has a consistent reason to support national sovereignty.
Owens a twerp, so to speak.
You have clearly not being paying attention for as long as you can possibly have had any political consciousness.
ReplyDeleteAn American analogy.
ReplyDeleteDennis Kucinich bucking his party's mainstream opposed Obama on Libya and he is liberal on immigration; Ralph Nader, also opposed re Libya is more conservative on the issue, but of course was not in Congress.
The sincerity, erudition and eloquence of right-wing anti-war writing is invaluable as a resource, but their authors' directly active contribution to the anti-war movement could politely be described as limited.
ReplyDeleteNewspaper columnists are one thing, but the politically organised right wing is now defined by being pro-war, any war, that is the whole point of it. It longs for a war against Russia, so cut off from reality has it become.
ReplyDeleteWhereas the opposition to the Iraq war reconstituted the left wing completely, in Britain at any rate. Opposition to the war lobby now defines the left as much as being that lobby's mouthpiece defines the right. That is what the terms now mean.
The anti-war Right to this day are the only principled opponents of liberal intervention, here and in America.
ReplyDeleteIn the US, the anti-war Right are also anti-UN and anti-EU.
While the so called "anti war Left" (sadly including Chomsky and Finkelstein whom I admire) all support the UN, the fantasy of "international law" and the other excuses for interferences in national sovereignty.
Chomsky and Finkelstein are getting on a bit.
ReplyDeleteThe UN thing on Iraq was a political convenience, anyway. We would have been against it even with a UN resolution. We were against Libya even with a UN resolution.