There is a logically unimpeachable combination of
neoliberal economics, a liberal social policy which is nevertheless open to
authoritarian measures against those whose perceived lack of enlightenment
renders them a threat, rigid state secularism (even if accompanied by
occasional, and occasionally even by regular, religious observance), and an
aggressive military expansionism in that cause, especially in support of those
countries which already most fully embody it. Above all, that means, or at
least it has meant until recent years, the State of Israel. Since that position
is, in a word, American Jewish, and above all New York Jewish.
Anglo-Jewry has always been a very different
story, for the most part observantly Orthodox well into the post-War period and
still very largely so, with the result that even Maurice Glasman, who the last
time that I saw him tucked heartily into a Chinese meal full of both pork and
shellfish but who was brought up kosher ("Making up for lost time"),
can draw on the haggadah and the halacha, the Midrash and
the folkways, of the old Yiddish East End in order to form and inform Blue
Labour.
In so doing, he finds a natural affinity with
Catholic Social Teaching and Distributism, with Radical Orthodoxy, with the Old
Labour that owed "more to Methodism than to Marx", with the
Anglican-based Tory populism that contributed as much as Nonconformist Radical
Liberalism to the emergence of the Labour Movement, with the broader Tory
tradition or metatradition behind that (far greater than the Conservative
Party, itself in any case a fairly recent, and largely a Whig and Liberal,
invention), and even with aspects of Islam as explored by Riyad Karim.
Could there be an American Blue Labour?
Chestertonians and Burkeans are said to be on the rise as the Republican Party
tries to reconstruct itself. I very much hope that that is true. And the recent
elections indicated that the Bobby Kennedy black-blue coalition was now the
Democratic majority as surely as was the George McGovern coalition of non-white
ethnic minorities with urban and suburban, often Jewish, liberals.
Those last long ago decided that the essence of
Jewish identity, and even of Judaism, was to be found in a celebration of
dissent, argument, strict state secularism, egalitarian and democratic family
structures, avant garde educational methods bound up with psychoanalysis
and psychotherapy, internationalism in general and liberal interventionism in
particular, an openness to people's and organisations' Marxist pasts and to
whatever they might have retained from those days, minimal religious observance
and negligible religious instruction, all with a view to the highest or fullest
degree of individual freedom and self-realisation, themselves defined in terms
of all the foregoing.
Initially, it was America that was idealised as
the civic embodiment of those principles, by reference to a very particular
reading of the Founding Fathers in such terms, and retaining the more or less
explicit view that Jews were to form the liberal vanguard, the natural elite,
the national or societal conscience. Later, mostly after the Arab-Israeli War
of 1967, Israel also came to be so identified, in that case by so reading
people who were in many cases still alive to correct such a wild
misrepresentation, yet who rarely, if ever, did so.
This would of course have been unrecognisable and
repugnant to its originators' near ancestors in Central and Eastern Europe.
That point is made most starkly by the very heavy rewriting of the Yiddish
tales of Sholem Aleichem in order to turn them into Fiddler on the Roof,
in which a man dressed like the first audience's great-grandfathers articulates
that audience's own prejudices rather than those of its great-grandfathers.
A real life Tevye would have held views far more
akin to those of a 1960s New York Jew's Catholic neighbours, mostly of Irish
and Italian stock, but also German and East European, the blue (i.e.,
blue-collar, working-class) in the black-blue: unshakeably committed to
ecclesial, civil and parental authority, which were inculcated by thoroughly
traditional forms of education at the heart of which was the systematic
impartation over many years, from early childhood until at least the middle or
late teens, of a very extensive body of highly specific religious knowledge
which was in no sense up for debate.
In political terms, this issued as much in an
utterly uncompromising anti-Communism as in participation in organised labour
and community activism, in a commitment to the New Deal and the Fair Deal, and
in sympathy for Civil Rights, of which it was in fact often Jews who were more
sceptical, although the Communist Party's involvement in things like the NAACP
did the cause no favours among the white ethnics in the North, who
historically, and at that time well within living memory, had been just as much
victims of things like the Ku Klux Klan.
Again, it was America that was idealised as the
civic embodiment of those principles; again, by reference to a very particular
reading of the Founding Fathers in such terms. A reading which was absolutely
ridiculous considering how ferociously anti-Catholic the Founding Fathers were,
but there we are. That would remain the fundamental, even if no longer always
the conscious, frame of reference for most of the readers of the New York
Post. Under its present Proprietor and Editor-in-Chief, Rupert Murdoch,
that newspaper has done more than anything else to turn its readers into
adherents of that which the rival, Jewish frame of reference has now become in
practical policy terms.
But with even the New York Times, the house journal of that rival position, turning
against key parts of it, what hope is there of keeping Pat and Carmine, Rosie
and Carmela in line? In fact, Pat and Carmine, Rosie and Carmela have already
seen through big business social liberalism and its global spread by force of
arms, and they are reverting to a pattern of voting accordingly. Even at the
Presidential level, which was where there was most desertion from the late
1960s onwards.
And now, Ed Koch is dead.
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