The verdict, though probably predictable, is
almost immaterial. Ad hoc tribunals to try specific individuals are
inherently illegal. Amnesty International rightly made that point, and did so
very powerfully, in its 2003 report into the trial of the Grenada 17.
Yet in 2007 that same organisation welcomed the
trial of Charles Taylor before just such a tribunal, and called for its
proceedings to be broadcast in Liberia for “educative” effect.
Be he innocent or be he guilty, Taylor has been
tried, if it can be so described, by an unlawful body: a specially constituted
branch of the Special Court for Sierra Leone, itself a creature, not of
international treaty-making and ratification, but of executive fiat on the part
of the United Nations. Laurent Gbagbo is also now subject to such an unlawful
travesty of a trial, as was Thomas Lubanga.
Consider Rwanda. If anything, there really were
two genocides in Rwanda. But “genocide” is a slipperier concept than you might
think. In 1993, the former Bolivian President, García Meza Tejada, was
convicted of “genocide” for the deaths of fully eight people. Those may or may
not have been the only people whom he killed. But they were the only victims of
his “genocide”. And so to Rwanda.
Or, rather, to a kangaroo court in Tanzania, set
up by a UN Security Council resolution with no authority to do so, and
specifically empowered - again, on no proper authority whatever - to try only
members of the former, devoutly Catholic regime, and not of that which
overthrew it, namely a direct extension, by means of a Ugandan invasion of
Rwanda in 1990, of the only-too-successful Maoist insurrection in Uganda. Thank
God that no one is now to be sent from this country, historic refuge of the
oppressed, to appear before that kangaroo court.
Théoneste Bagosora was finally convicted (well,
of course he was – this sort of thing never, ever acquits anyone) eighteen
months after the prosecution’s final submission, and fully twelve years after
his arrest, even though his trial had started almost immediately.
That was entirely typical, as is the use of
European and American activists as “expert witnesses” even though they
witnessed absolutely nothing and were in fact thousands of miles away at the
time alleged. As is the heavy reliance on anonymous prosecution witnesses (even
though it is in fact six defence witnesses before this “Tribunal” who have been
murdered soon after giving evidence), universally known to be paid liars.
As is the routine holding of session in camera.
As is the admission of hearsay evidence. As are the rulings that no
corroboration is necessary to convict a man of rape even he has pleaded not
guilty, and that it matters not one jot if a prosecution witness’s written
statement differs markedly from his testimony in court. As is the astonishing
principle that a prosecution witness’s inconsistencies are proof of trauma, and
therefore of the guilt of the accused. And as are the farcical translation
problems.
The remit of this “Tribunal” is frankly racist,
providing only for the trial of Hutus, the overwhelmingly predominant ethnic
group, for crimes against Tutsis, the historically royal and aristocratic
minority. Crimes by Hutus against Tutsis undoubtedly happened. But so did
crimes by Tutsis against Hutus.
Neither Maoist guerrillas nor embittered,
dispossessed aristocrats are characteristically restrained in these matters. No
one knows how many people were killed, often with machetes. The usual figure
cited is eight hundred thousand. Perhaps that is correct, perhaps it is not.
But what is undoubtedly the case is that not all
the perpetrators were Hutus, although many were. What is undoubtedly the case
is that not all the victims were Tutsis, although many were. What is
undoubtedly the case is that no Tutsi has ever been tried, because none can be:
that whole people has been declared innocent in advance, and another whole
people declared guilty in advance.
What is undoubtedly the case is that an invasion
of a sovereign state by a larger neighbour at exactly the same time as the
Iraqi invasion of Kuwait has been backed up to the hilt by the West in general
and the United States, so that the Americans are now where first the Germans
and then the Belgians once were: running Rwanda through a tiny clique drawn exclusively
from the Tutsi minority.
And what is undoubtedly the case is that that
clique is Maoist, whereas the majority-derived government that it overthrew was
headed by a daily communicant, Jean Kambanda, whom it subsequently tortured
into confession while illegally detaining him, and whom it denied the lawyer of
his choice.
Ivorians, you have been warned.
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