With my emphasis added, Owen Jones writes:
The Labour Party is in great danger.
An unholy alliance of politically ambitious
über-Blairite Shadow Cabinet members, Tory politicians and outriders and a
large swathe of the press are conspiring to sever Labour’s trade union link.
It is not just an attempt to drive Britain’s biggest democratic movement out of political life. It would dissolve what the Labour party is – the clue is in the name – ending what connection with working people it still has, leaving it a rootless party, a mere plaything of vacuous careerists and apparatchiks.
It is not just an attempt to drive Britain’s biggest democratic movement out of political life. It would dissolve what the Labour party is – the clue is in the name – ending what connection with working people it still has, leaving it a rootless party, a mere plaything of vacuous careerists and apparatchiks.
It all began with a punch in Parliament’s
Strangers Bar, as the troubled former Labour MP Eric Joyce ended his political
career in drunken disgrace. The race to replace him in Falkirk was bitter
indeed, but the focus has almost exclusively been on Karie Murphy, the
Unite-backed candidate.
But Labour’s internal Falkirk report is said reveal that her opponent, Gregor Poynton, recruited 11 new members, submitting a single £130 cheque to pay for their subscriptions. He wasn’t said to have done anything wrong. He wasn’t contacted by the inquiry, nor was any other candidate.
But Labour’s internal Falkirk report is said reveal that her opponent, Gregor Poynton, recruited 11 new members, submitting a single £130 cheque to pay for their subscriptions. He wasn’t said to have done anything wrong. He wasn’t contacted by the inquiry, nor was any other candidate.
Poynton is the classic candidate of an incestuous
political elite with a chronic sense of entitlement. He works for a media
strategy company that has a contract with the Labour Party. He is the husband
of shadow minister Gemma Doyle, who is in the team of Labour leadership wannabe
and shadow Defence Secretary Jim Murphy. Scrutiny of Poynton does not fit into
this crusade against the trade union movement.
Police officers should spend their time chasing
rapists rather than dealing with acrimonious party selection battles. Now they
are involved, the truth will come out, and each candidate will have questions
to answer.
But, speaking of scandals, how about this? Where was the outrage when party apparatchiks spent years stitching up seats, parachuting special advisers into constituencies that they had never even heard of?
Parliament has increasingly become the preserve of well-connected Westminster insiders, while the barriers to anyone with a vaguely normal background have become ever more insurmountable.
But, speaking of scandals, how about this? Where was the outrage when party apparatchiks spent years stitching up seats, parachuting special advisers into constituencies that they had never even heard of?
Parliament has increasingly become the preserve of well-connected Westminster insiders, while the barriers to anyone with a vaguely normal background have become ever more insurmountable.
Over the weekend, key Labour figures briefed
favoured Guardian journalists about a proposed final break with the trade
unions, since disavowed by Ed Miliband. We cannot be sure who they are.
What we do know is that there is a hardened Blairite axis within the Shadow Cabinet, led by former David Miliband campaign managers Jim Murphy and Douglas Alexander, and including Caroline Flint and Ivan Lewis.
To give an illustration of their politics, the four privately demanded that Labour should support the Tories’ Welfare Uprating Bill earlier this year, which inflicted real-terms cuts on in-work and out-of-work benefits.
None of them ever reconciled themselves to Ed Miliband as leader; whenever he has faced political trouble, Alexander and Murphy’s operations have spun into overdrive. Their expectations of what Ed Miliband must do constantly shift and can never be satisfied.
What we do know is that there is a hardened Blairite axis within the Shadow Cabinet, led by former David Miliband campaign managers Jim Murphy and Douglas Alexander, and including Caroline Flint and Ivan Lewis.
To give an illustration of their politics, the four privately demanded that Labour should support the Tories’ Welfare Uprating Bill earlier this year, which inflicted real-terms cuts on in-work and out-of-work benefits.
None of them ever reconciled themselves to Ed Miliband as leader; whenever he has faced political trouble, Alexander and Murphy’s operations have spun into overdrive. Their expectations of what Ed Miliband must do constantly shift and can never be satisfied.
Now that David Miliband has crossed the Atlantic, Murphy is positioning himself as
holder of the Blairite flame, plotting to take the leadership should Ed
Miliband ever fall.
Murphy’s approach to politics was honed from his days in Labour Students, in practice long a recruiting ground for the sort of desperate political careerist who practises party conference speeches in front of bathroom mirrors from the age of six.
It is a murky world where positions of power are decided in bars and through private, secretive conversations. When these student hacks evolve into senior politicians, they debate who should be the candidate in what constituency over Islington dinner parties.
Murphy’s approach to politics was honed from his days in Labour Students, in practice long a recruiting ground for the sort of desperate political careerist who practises party conference speeches in front of bathroom mirrors from the age of six.
It is a murky world where positions of power are decided in bars and through private, secretive conversations. When these student hacks evolve into senior politicians, they debate who should be the candidate in what constituency over Islington dinner parties.
Somewhat oddly, I found myself sucked into last week’s intrigue by the
Telegraph journalist Dan Hodges, a man in the pay of the Barclay brothers with
the apparent brief of causing as much disruption in Labour’s ranks as possible.
He appeared on BBC2 to claim that Ed Miliband had ordered his shadow ministers not to criticise me; that I was a “made man” in mafia terminology; and that Miliband’s right-hand man Stewart Wood was my handler. My own (proud) links to unions were noted, including that – until recently – I was policy adviser to the trade union-backed think-tank Class.
But none of the claims have any truth. It turns out this fantasy was leaked to Hodges by a political adviser to a shadow cabinet minister, as part of a counterattack to the perceived growing influence of trade unions and the left.
He appeared on BBC2 to claim that Ed Miliband had ordered his shadow ministers not to criticise me; that I was a “made man” in mafia terminology; and that Miliband’s right-hand man Stewart Wood was my handler. My own (proud) links to unions were noted, including that – until recently – I was policy adviser to the trade union-backed think-tank Class.
But none of the claims have any truth. It turns out this fantasy was leaked to Hodges by a political adviser to a shadow cabinet minister, as part of a counterattack to the perceived growing influence of trade unions and the left.
But forget the soap opera. Labour’s leaders have
allowed themselves to be thrown off balance by a Tory crusade fuelled by
Blairite ultras. They should have said that it is better to be bankrolled by
millions of dinner ladies and care assistants than hedge fund managers, City bankers
and legal loan sharks – like the Tories.
That is exactly what would happen to Labour if the union link was severed. When Tony Blair attempted to dilute Labour’s reliance on union funds, it ended in the cash-for-honours scandal and a sitting prime minister being questioned by police in Downing Street.
Before Labour’s 1997 election victory, the key Blairite ally Stephen Byers floated severing the union link: he ended his political career offering himself as a “taxi for hire” to corporate lobbyists. These union-bashers are completely beholden to private interests, and they want Labour to be, too.
That is exactly what would happen to Labour if the union link was severed. When Tony Blair attempted to dilute Labour’s reliance on union funds, it ended in the cash-for-honours scandal and a sitting prime minister being questioned by police in Downing Street.
Before Labour’s 1997 election victory, the key Blairite ally Stephen Byers floated severing the union link: he ended his political career offering himself as a “taxi for hire” to corporate lobbyists. These union-bashers are completely beholden to private interests, and they want Labour to be, too.
The tragedy is that unions are getting precious
little from the Labour Party. The irony of David Cameron’s hysterical claims that Miliband is in the pocket of Unite’s Len McCluskey is
that it comes just as Labour’s leaders have moved even further from offering a
genuine alternative to Tory policies.
Even after 13 years of a Labour government,
Britain was left with one of the worst records on workers’ rights in the
Western world.
It was still one of the unequal developed nations, where workers’ wages were falling even before Lehman Brothers crashed, and where a dogmatic attachment to free-market economics ended in a catastrophic financial crash. Public spending was the great break from Thatcherism, and is now being decimated.
It was still one of the unequal developed nations, where workers’ wages were falling even before Lehman Brothers crashed, and where a dogmatic attachment to free-market economics ended in a catastrophic financial crash. Public spending was the great break from Thatcherism, and is now being decimated.
If unions did not try to get candidates selected
in the party they founded who want to stand up for working people, they might
as well pack up and become footnotes in history books.
It is a sad truth that there are those in the highest echelons of the Labour Party who want to extinguish what limited political voice working people still have. They would wreck a party they owe everything to for their own crude personal ambitions. They must not win.
It is a sad truth that there are those in the highest echelons of the Labour Party who want to extinguish what limited political voice working people still have. They would wreck a party they owe everything to for their own crude personal ambitions. They must not win.
"drive Britain’s biggest democratic movement out of political life."
ReplyDeleteDeary me-it takes alot to make me cry.
The 'political levy' is a disgrace that should have been ended decades ago when the unions were forceably democratised.
Wouldn't it be hilarious to see Labour try and survive without the union's bloc funding?
Where on Earth would they ever get donations? No normal person likes them.
The levy-payers are normal people by definition. That is why you hate them.
ReplyDeleteI wonder if I am the only one to see the irony in the statement by Ed Miliband about the political levy. Apparently it is no longer acceptable for union members to be conscripted automatically into paying the political levy to the Party. Anyone who had disagreed in the past had to OPT OUT. This has now been accepted as unsustainable and that anyone who wishes to pay the political levy must make a deliberate decision to OPT IN. This, at the same time as the politicians in the Welsh Assembly (with a majority of Labour members) are saying that the state automatically owns your body at death and anyone who disagrees must OPT OUT.
ReplyDeleteOne group of Labour politicians is saying it is only right and proper that people must make a conscious decision to OPT IN, and another group of politicians (mostly Labour) is saying that it is right and proper that people must make a conscious decision to OPT OUT. The subject matter may be different but the principle is surely the same. Is it any wonder that so many politicians are held in such contempt?
You assume that u nions speak for the working class in the Labour Party,
ReplyDelete