Although I do not share his low view of Ed Miliband, Tim Stanley writes:
Ed Miliband is
planning to (slightly) sever the Labour/union link, or at least to weaken
it by chewing wetly on the rope with those tombstone teeth. Some clever types
are calling this his Clause Four moment. It could be better described as
“stabbing your friends in the back”.
That’s what it’s called when you turn on
the very people who helped elect you because you think kicking a friend in
public is worth a few points in the polls. Yes, Tony Blair did this to the
unions all the time, and he won three elections in a row because many voters
admired him for it. But this isn’t the early noughties, and Ed is no Tony. He’s
barely a Gordon or a Neil.
Let’s start by clearing up a few facts. It looks
like something bad happened with the Unite candidate in Falkirk, but
an internal Labour report also found that another candidate seeking selection
had done something dodgy when it came to recruiting new members – and this has
been oddly underreported.
If Unite was trying to fix an MP’s selection, so
what? It’s a labour union and this is the Labour Party. It’s
axiomatic that unions should try to exert influence upon the selection of
candidates for the party that their money finances, and it has been ever thus.
Unite, by the way, is not an exclusively public sector union (there’s been a
lot of nonsense talked about a public sector takeover of the Labour Party) and
it’s not even very good at fixin’ things (only
nine of 41 United-endorsed candidates have won Labour nominations).
And I
would much rather that candidate selection was controlled by the unions than by
a narrow clique in Westminster. Remember that whole Blairite thing in the
1990s, when a bunch of media consultants and PR gurus forced supine, dull and
dumb candidates upon constituencies ? Those Blair babes and Blair eunuchs were
the boys and girls who voted for the Iraq War, PFI, tuition fees and the war on
civil liberties. I'd take a thousand Dennis Skinners over one of them.
No, Ed Miliband’s troubles don’t come from the
unions, which are dwindling in number and have enjoyed only minimal influence
in Labour politics since 1992. His problems begin with two rather more
contemporary sources. First, the Blairites. Labour would be doing a lot better
in the polls if the public could only trust it.
But bitter memories of the
legacy of Blairism – specifically an illegal war in Iraq and pandering to
financial institutions with all the moral restraint of Caligula on the pull – make
it very difficult for Miliband to overcome the general suspicion that Labour
post-Blair is a lacking in either character or principle.
It wasn’t the Left
that destroyed Labour’s reputation in the last decade; it was the Right – the
very Right who are agitating for a war on Unite. I don’t write that as a call
for a return to socialism; voters don’t want to nationalise M&S just yet.
But Labour needs to confront the mistakes made in its Blairite past as much as
it does its Militant tendency.
That would require genuine leadership, something
that Ed has hitherto lacked. For Miliband’s second big problem is himself. He
is the Julia Gillard of UK politics – worthy, probably quite nice, but lacking
in fibre, unconvincing and fundamentally unlikeable. There’s that strange
accent that wanders from region to region in search of words to kill (he is the
first man to pronounce the word “year” with three syllables).
There’s the hair
that can’t decide if it’s grey, black or Dalmatian dog. And there’s his odd
tendency to lose track of the world mid-sentence and break away from his speech
to contemplate some elusive spot in the far distance that the rest of us can’t
see. Where does your mind go to in those moments, Ed? I like to imagine he sees
monkeys frolicking on swings.
What his mind does not contemplate is history,
for Miliband eschews this with adolescent ego. He lacks care for Labour’s
bifurcated philosophical tradition. One half is its working-class
protectionism: patriotic, anti-globalisation, populist, “jobs for the boys”
etc. The other is its socialist romanticism – its endless, often hopeless,
quest to banish poverty and end war. The two halves combined produces a British
socialism that is less dogmatic than it is spiritual.
After the collapse of
Marxist economics, the Labour movement’s historic crusade became to civilise
capitalism, to foster a society that puts people before profit and encourages
the individual to aspire to something more than just making money. Ed Miliband
seems disconnected from this politics of the heart; he prefers to find comfort
in detail and wonkery. You get the impression that he goes home at night and
snuggles up to a warm bar chart.
Ed’s latest war on the union smacks of cold
calculation, that clever-clever tendency among some Labourites to think they
can strategise and triangulate their way to victory. It won’t work. Only a
total severance of the union link would satisfy the pundits and earn him the
badge of Blairite courage, and by falling far short of that, his proposals will
irritate his base and create a new narrative of Labour internal division. If he
does agitate the troops, Ed will deserve all the aggravation he gets. He
doesn’t understand that Labour is, in its gut, about loyalty – loyalty to a
class, a region, a people, a movement.
If Labour turns its backs on the unions
then it isn’t worth very much at all. It becomes yet another neo-liberal party
led by a sad man with a lisp.
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