Clive
Lewis writes:
A short while ago, the 50th
anniversary of an event so profound it almost wiped humanity from the face of
the planet passed us by – with little media interest. 22 October, 1962 – the
Cuban Missile Crisis.
Sat on a ringside seat for humanity's brush with
oblivion was Robert McNamara – US secretary of state for war. McNamara oversaw
much of the Vietnam war and the build-up of US nuclear capability at the height
of the cold war. And yet in 2004, he declared: "The indefinite combination
of human fallibility with nuclear weapons leads to human destruction. The only
way to eliminate the risk is to eliminate nuclear weapons."
He developed what became known as
"McNamara’s Dictum": 1. nuclear weapons make nuclear war possible; 2.
human fallibility means that a nuclear exchange is ultimately inevitable; 3. a
major nuclear war has the capacity to destroy civilisation and threaten the
survival of the human race.
In all likelihood the UK’s current independent
nuclear deterrent could, on its own, achieve point 3. Each Trident warhead, of
which there are 40 per submarine, is estimated to be able to kill over 1 million
people outright. The vast majority of those killed would be civilians.
Countless more would subsequently die from secondary radiation exposure. All of
this possible at the mere push of a button or, as McNamara feared, as the
result of simple human error or a technical glitch.
If a rational debate on Trident were ever held in
the Labour Party, the inevitability of McNamara’s dictum alone should be enough
to end our party’s dalliance with nuclear weapons. Common sense and a Darwinian
instinct for survival should ensure that.
But it’s a mistaken clamour for political
survival not humanity’s survival that motivates the proponents of nuclear
weapons within the Labour Party. Elements cling to nuclear weapons like a
religious mantra. To even question the need for one is akin to blasphemy of the
highest order and would supposedly presage the re-authoring of another lengthy
political suicide note. But scaremonger as they will, the cold weight of logic,
military reality, economic necessity, political pragmatism and moral rectitude
means the terms of debate have shifted out of their favour.
In a recent exchange in the House of Commons, one
of Labour’s shadow defence team trotted out the same old tired mantra: "In
a security landscape of few guarantees, our independent nuclear deterrent
provides us with the ultimate insurance policy, strengthens our national
security and increases our ability to achieve long-term security aims."
On the surface it sounds like an authoritative
and credible position. But dig a little deeper and its vacuous nature becomes
apparent – namely that an almost unimaginable destructive capability can
actually defend us.
To describe "Mutually Assured
Destruction" as an "insurance policy" would be comical if it
wasn’t such an appalling concept. Nuclear weapons "strengthen our national
security"? In the past 30 years, often with national interest or security
being cited, the UK has been involved in a number of overseas conflicts but the
use of Trident has never seriously been considered.
The one consistent factor throughout all these
conflicts was under-equipped conventional forces. In today's current financial
climate, with demands being made on the MoD to cut spending, forking out
anywhere between £30-100bn for Trident replacement is unthinkable in terms of
the cuts our frontline forces will have to endure. 21st century
Britain will become an increasingly toothless tiger that can do little more
than posture with its finger over a button it will never use. Our forces
deserve better. The country deserves better.
Do nuclear weapons "increase our ability to
achieve long-term global security aims"? Since the 1980s, non-nuclear
armed Germany and Japan, not nuclear armed Britain and France, have had more
clout with Washington. Political status does not necessarily depend on nuclear
capability. Increasingly, nuclear weapons are a fig leaf for our political
poverty on the international stage. What both Germany and Japan did possess was
economic clout.
No doubt relinquishing our nuclear arsenal would
irritate Washington but what would the US rather have, the UK able to assist in
military operations or an ill-equipped conventional force and a nuclear arsenal
which will never come into play?
Ultimately, any decision the Labour Party makes must not only factor in political considerations but military ones too. Understandably, the electorate places great faith in the professional soldiers and strategists that run our military. So, when some of the country’s most senior former officers – Field Marshall Lord Bramall, General Lord Ramsbotham, General Sir Hugh Beach, Major General Patrick Cordingley and Sir Richard Dannatt – express "deep concern" that Trident was excluded from the 2010 Strategic Defence Review, we should pay attention. In fact they went further saying there was: "…growing consensus that rapid cuts in nuclear forces…is the way to achieve international security."
Ultimately, any decision the Labour Party makes must not only factor in political considerations but military ones too. Understandably, the electorate places great faith in the professional soldiers and strategists that run our military. So, when some of the country’s most senior former officers – Field Marshall Lord Bramall, General Lord Ramsbotham, General Sir Hugh Beach, Major General Patrick Cordingley and Sir Richard Dannatt – express "deep concern" that Trident was excluded from the 2010 Strategic Defence Review, we should pay attention. In fact they went further saying there was: "…growing consensus that rapid cuts in nuclear forces…is the way to achieve international security."
These men are not doves. They are hard-headed
strategists who understand many of the military realities we face as a nation.
They have provided an opportunity the Labour Party must not miss.
It is rare in politics that logic, morality,
economic sense, political pragmatism and, in this case, military reality
converge. And yet, clearly, on the issue of nuclear disarmament they have.
Party policy must change on this matter if we are to have any hope of
fulfilling our core desire for a better, fairer, safer world.
Labour needs to recover what is in fact its own (and a section of the Lib Dems’ own) social democratic tradition, with considerable crossover to British paleoconservatism. Far from representing national pride or independence, our nuclear weapons programme has only ever represented the wholesale subjugation of Britain’s defence capability to a foreign power. That power maintains no less friendly relations with numerous other countries, almost none of which have nuclear weapons.
Labour needs to recover what is in fact its own (and a section of the Lib Dems’ own) social democratic tradition, with considerable crossover to British paleoconservatism. Far from representing national pride or independence, our nuclear weapons programme has only ever represented the wholesale subjugation of Britain’s defence capability to a foreign power. That power maintains no less friendly relations with numerous other countries, almost none of which have nuclear weapons.
Like radiological,
chemical and biological weapons, nuclear weapons are morally repugnant simply
in themselves. They offer not the slightest defence against a range of loosely
knit, if at all connected, terrorist organisations pursuing a range of loosely
knit, if at all connected, aims in relation to a range of countries while
actually governing no state, with the possible exception of our supposed ally,
Pakistan. Where would any other such organisation keep nuclear weapons in the
first place?
Furthermore, the
possession of nuclear weapons serves to convey to terrorists and their
supporters that Britain wishes to “play with the big boys”, thereby
contributing to making Britain a target for the terrorist activity against
which such weapons are defensively useless. It is high time for Britain to grow
up. Britain’s permanent seat on the UN Security Council could not be taken away
without British consent, and so does not depend in any way on her possession of
nuclear weapons; on the contrary, the world needs and deserves a non-nuclear
permanent member of that Council.
Most
European countries do not have nuclear weapons, and nor does Canada, Australia
or New Zealand. Are those therefore in greater danger? On the contrary, the
London bombings of 7th July 2005 were attacks on a country with
nuclear weapons, while the attacks of 11th September 2001 were
against the country with by far the largest nuclear arsenal in the world.
The
only nuclear power in the Middle East is Israel. Is Israel the most secure
state in the Middle East? It is mind-boggling to hear people go on about Iran,
whose President is in any case many years away from acquiring a nuclear weapon,
and in any case only wants one (if he does) to use against the only Middle
Eastern country that already has them. What does any of this have to do with
us?
Numerous
Tories with relevant experience – Anthony Head, Peter Thorneycroft, Nigel
Birch, Aubrey Jones – were sceptical about, or downright hostile towards,
British nuclear weapons in the 1950s and 1960s. In March 1964, while First Lord
of the Admiralty and thus responsible for Polaris, George Jellicoe suggested
that Britain might pool her nuclear deterrent with the rest of NATO. Enoch
Powell denounced the whole thing as not just anything but independent in
practice, but also immoral in principle. The rural populist John G Diefenbaker,
who opposed official bilingualism in Canada’s English-speaking provinces, and
who campaigned for his flag to remain the Canadian Red Ensign with the Union
Flag in its corner, also kept John F Kennedy’s nukes off Canadian soil.
On
this fiftieth anniversary of his death, remember that Gaitskell’s Campaign for
Democratic Socialism explicitly supported the unilateral renunciation of
Britain’s nuclear weapons, and the document Policy for
Peace, on which Gaitskell eventually won his
battle at the 1961 Labour Conference, stated: “Britain should cease the attempt
to remain an independent nuclear power, since that neither strengthens the
alliance, nor is it now a sensible use of our limited resources.”
Although
the SDP was in many ways a betrayal of that heritage, it is nevertheless the
case that nuclear weapons were not mentioned in its founding Limehouse
Declaration, and that David Owen did have to act at least once in order to
prevent a unilateralist from being selected as a parliamentary candidate. In an
echo of Head, Thorneycroft, Birch, Jones, Jellicoe and Powell, even that
strongly monetarist SDP MP and future Conservative Minister, John Horam, was
sceptical about the deployment of American cruise and Pershing II missiles in
Europe.
Shirley
Williams has long been doing sterling work in the field of nuclear
non-proliferation and disarmament; it is inconceivable that she, or indeed Bill
Rodgers, Gaitskell’s right-hand man in the CDS, really wishes to “renew”
Trident. It is even difficult to believe that of Owen these days.
There
could not be bigger and more unwise spending, or a more ineffective example of
the “Big State”, than nuclear weapons in general and Trident in particular.
Diverting enormous sums of money towards the civil nuclear power that is the
real nuclear deterrent, towards public services, towards the relief of poverty
at home and abroad, and towards paying off our national debt, precisely by
reasserting control over our own defence capability, would represent a most
significant step towards One Nation politics, with an equal emphasis on the One
and on the Nation. It is what Disraeli would have done.
Ed Miliband, over to you.
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