Monday, 31 March 2025

Small World

At a 60 per cent discount, Amazon recommends that I purchase Shaman of the Radical Right: The Life and Mind of Jonathan Bowden, by Edward Dutton. Bowden was at school with Damian Thompson, who is annoyed at the very existence of an old university associate of mine; my Facebook has been down for weeks, despite my having been sent a code to reactivate it, so I cannot congratulate him on having drawn such ire. Completing the circle, I also knew Dutton at university. He once tried to seduce me after Mass, so I know his little secret.

Dutton is a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of Mankind Quarterly, which he used to edit. Another member is Dr Adel Batterjee of Jeddah, the founder of the Benevolence International Foundation, which was placed under UN sanctions because it was a front for funding al-Qaeda. In 2018, Dutton secured the publication of this masterpiece in Evolutionary Psychological Science. On the Editorial Board of that is Professor Steven Pinker, Johnstone Professor of Psychology at Harvard. In 2021, a very short time indeed from 2018 in the life of a quarterly journal, Pinker wrote that, "Oliver Kamm's urbanity, erudition and compassion are raised to the power of two in Mending the Mind. He put them to work in crafting this gorgeous and urgent book, and on every page they remind us of his moral that enviable gifts are no protection against the affliction of depression." Kamm, Pinker, Dutton, Batterjee. Batterjee, Dutton, Pinker, Kamm. Truly, an Axis of Evil. And all coming to Durham in a week's time.

Sunday, 30 March 2025

Not A Hope In Hell

In denying the Irishness of Paul Hughes, Conor McGregor expressed a view that was widely held in the 26 County State, and which may very well be majority opinion there. According to that view, that State's legal name is Ireland because Ireland is what it is. The Irish come from Ireland, meaning that. Over 100 years old, it is economically, socially, culturally and politically distinct. To be Irish is to have been formed by that. Ancestrally, people the world over may be a bit Irish, but whether in Boston, Brisbane, Birmingham or Belfast, they are not really. With his Planter surname and his views on immigration, McGregor clearly regards the Irish people as the people of the 26 Counties at the point of independence. A lot of that people would agree with him.

They will not, however, be given the opportunity to vote for him. To stand for President, McGregor would need to be nominated by at least 20 members of the Houses of the Oireachtas, none of whom would do so, or by at least four of the 31 county or city councils, if anything even more unlikely. Increasingly concentrated on the populist Right, British republicans should take note. There would have to be a nomination process. Candidates would certainly require nomination by one tenth of the House of Commons, 65 MPs, and very probably by one fifth of that House, 130 MPs. Even in the first instance, in the wildly unlikely event of more than two candidates, then the House would whittle them down to the two who would then be presented to the electorate. At any given time, only two parties would ever have 130 MPs each. In practice, they would arrange to alternate the Presidency between them. It would make difference that one of those parties were led by Nigel Farage.

Is It That Time Again?

Unless Peter Hitchens wanted British Summer Time all year, or even BST+1 for more than half of it, then he needs to drop the whole matter. If this debate ever really did begin in earnest, then the proponents of that would win. The Britain last seen in my 1980s childhood, of tea at five and of grown adults routinely in bed by nine or even eight, is a thing of the past. For the sake of the people for whom he spoke on so many other issues, and indeed on this one, Hitchens needs to let it go.

One of those issues is the glory of the railways, and it is only because of those that the United Kingdom is a single time zone at all. Railway timetables necessitated that, so in 1847 the Railway Clearing House adopted Greenwich Mean Time, known thereafter as "railway time". But it did not become the legal time throughout Great Britain until 1880, or anywhere in Ireland until as late as 1916. After all, it is not dawn, or noon, or dusk, at the same time throughout these Islands. But the variation is sufficiently slight as to allow for, say, one hour's deviation in the months when most people would wish for the hours to be that little bit lighter between clocking off and turning in.

There is something similar about Hitchens's other hobbyhorse. Long ago, I was taught that a gentleman drank champagne by the pint. The only Briton ever to have been President of the European Commission was later known for taking a pint of claret to his desk in the House of Lords to get him through the afternoon. But it turned out in 2023 that only 1.3 per cent of people wanted any extended use of the imperial system, with a mere 0.4 per cent wanting to revert to it exclusively.

The peculiarly British compromise between the metric and the imperial systems is the most lasting monument to this country's bitterest culture war in living memory, the one between scientists and humanities graduates in the 30 or 40 years after the Second World War. The question of turning away from the Old Empire and towards Europe was secondary. Much of the Old Empire was going metric at the time, and almost all of it has now done so. Rather, this was and is about whether the weights and measures used in everyday life, and taught in schools, should be the ones used in science, or the ones named in Shakespeare.

Only named, of course. The imperial system dates only from 1824, making it barely 200 years old. Far from being Arthurian, it suppressed numerous customary weights and measures across these Islands and the Empire, replacing them with ones that often bore the same names, as certain customary units on the Continent still have names such as livre, but which had most definitely been devised by a committee. Scottish pints and gallons were more than halved.

Britain joined the EU in 1973. New Zealand has had only metric road signs, which there has never been any serious suggestion that Britain might adopt, since 1972. Was that the work of the EU? Although New Zealanders still sometimes give their height in feet and inches, and by convention announce their children's birth weights in pounds and ounces, they have, again since 1972, measured even milk in the metric system, unlike the practice in Britain.

By 1973, all schools in Australia were teaching only the metric system. Was that the work of the EU, too? All road signs there converted to metric in July 1974, and all cars made after that year have had only metric speedometers. Australians now rarely even convert their babies' birth weights into pounds and ounces, and such units are employed for trading purposes only when exporting to the United States. 

Where there is residual use of imperial units in casual conversation in Australia, then it tends to be attributed to the cultural transmission of American English. But the reason why the American system is different, despite using much of the same vocabulary, is because it is older. Nor does it ring true that the United States went to the Moon using non-metric units. If, for the sake of argument, that were the case, then it was more than 50 years ago. There is no way that the Americans are doing anything remotely comparable in anything other than the metric system today, even if they were doing so in the 1960s, which itself strikes me as highly unlikely.

Corresponding to the lazy assumption that the imperial system is ancient is the lazy assumption that the metric system is foreign. Unlike, I believe that it is correct to say, any part of the imperial system, the metric system was invented by an Englishman. It has a very long history in this country, having been devised by John Wilkins, who managed to be both a brother-in-law of Oliver Cromwell and later a bishop in the Church of England. It is not a product of the French Revolution. The first attempt to mandate it in Britain was made in 1818, six years before the imperial system existed. Britain legalised the use of the metric system in 1875. Numerous industries have used nothing else in a very long time, if ever. Even leaving aside how long ago Imperial Britain's industrial zenith was, the bald claim that that was achieved entirely by the application of the imperial system does not stand up to the slightest analysis.

Why not teach both systems? Have you ever met British scientists and my lot, British humanities graduates? In any case, who could possibly teach the imperial system these days? But at popular level, a remarkably enduring compromise has taken hold. Britain is the only country in the world where the use of two completely different systems of weights and measures, but with only one of them taught in schools, could result in anything other than total collapse. We should cherish the fact that in ordinary conversation everyone gave their height and weight in imperial measures when only the metric system had been taught in schools since before most people had been born.

The only problem is the legal ban on selling certain items in imperial measures by name, a piece of domestic legislation enacted by a Conservative Government. By all means let that ban be repealed. In practice, that repeal would change almost nothing. Corporate retail giants would have absolutely no intention of adopting the imperial system, but small traders should be free to use it if customers wanted it. At a significant markup, I expect. Almost no one under 60 would ask for imperial, since almost no one under 60 would ever have been taught it, but let those who wanted it have it. If they could afford it.

I hate to advocate for the other side, but Britain is in fact rather good at science. Yet imagine that the imperial system really were to be reincorporated into school Maths. Would you fail if you could not do it? That would be most people these days, deprived of the Maths certificate necessary to progress to further scientific education, for want of competence in a system that was not used for such purposes anywhere in the world. If you could find anyone to do so, then by all means teach it. But even those of us who probably quoted Shakespeare in our sleep ought not to wish to make anything else conditional on it. It is not as if it is anything important like Classics.

Have you ever had any trouble buying a pint of beer? Good luck to any licensed premises that sought to revert to the old measures of spirits, since those were shorter. The never threatened pint of milk or beer will always be readily available in the Irish Republic, which will never leave the EU, and which may well adopt Central European Time, as Northern Ireland would certainly do in that event. Our own and so many other traditional weights and measures survive for the sale of bread or beer all across Europe because they are perfectly adequate, and even ideal, for the sale of bread or beer. But they are at least arguably too imprecise for anything much more than that, and an international scientific and technological culture could not function without a universally accepted system of weights and measures. And so on.

Testing Our Mittal

Lakshmi Mittal? Are we all just too polite to mention it? Or was it so long ago that a lot of the media genuinely do not know?

Oh, well, let him go and take his half a million pounds or so in tax with him. The currency-issuing State has no need of either.

Luxury market prices tend to rise at twice the rate of inflation, so the departure of those markets' customer base is counter-inflationary.

Saturday, 29 March 2025

Making Plans For Nigel?

No one is questioning Nigel Farage's claim that his half-empty hall in Birmingham was the biggest British political rally in living memory, a laughable assertion to anyone who remembered Jeremy Corbyn in his pomp. Nor is anyone putting Rupert Lowe's side of the story. Farage has expressed his admiration for Keir Starmer. He is in the club, having been plucked from obscurity and cultivated assiduously, especially but not exclusively by the BBC.

Farage told his Birmingham audience that he would deport anyone who arrived illegally under a Reform UK Government, but he made no mention of illegal immigrants who were already here. Reform will probably do well at the forthcoming local elections. But that would give it councils to run, either in coalition or alone. And then the pennies really would start to drop.

Why Austerity Is A Political Choice


Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ Spring Statement is a watershed moment in British politics. A Labour government traditionally associated with the working class has unveiled welfare cuts of £4.8bn, mainly targeting the poor and disabled. It is protecting corporate profits and wealth of the ultra-rich by cutting support for the poor. More than 3m families will lose an average of around £1,720 a year in real terms in this parliament. The government claims that cuts in benefits will force the disabled people to work, assuming that there are suitable jobs. The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) states that individuals receiving disability benefits generally have limited capability for work and is unable to substantiate the government’s claims of any savings.

The UK already has 16m people, including 5.2m children, living in poverty. The government’s own analysis shows that as a direct result of the government’s measures the number of people living in poverty will increase by 250,000, including 50,000 children. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation estimates that 400,000 additional people are likely to be plunged into poverty. Inevitably, there will be more holes in the welfare safety net. The current government is set to be the first Labour government under which child poverty is set to increase.

The benefit cut is hurting people who already have too little. The bottom 50% of the population has 5% of wealth, and the bottom fifth has only 0.5% of wealth. The real average wage is unchanged since 2008. Work does not pay enough. Some 37% of the Universal Credit claimants are in work. The poorest are hit the hardest by taxes. The richest fifth pay 30% of gross household income in direct taxes, compared with 16% paid by the poorest fifth. The richest fifth pay 11% of their disposable income in indirect taxes compared with the poorest fifth who pay 27%. Altogether, the poorest pay a higher proportion of their income in taxes, and that is damaging society.

The causes of higher demand for welfare include lack of timely healthcare, access to family doctors and dentists; poverty, poor food and housing, insecure employment leading to insecurity and anxiety, and unchecked profiteering pushing more people to the edge of society. However, these issues receive little attention. Instead, impoverishing the old, poor, sick, disabled and children have become a feature of economic policy. The poor and disabled are being blamed for economic stagnation caused by neoliberal policies.

Progressive taxation, equitable distribution of income and wealth did not get any mention in the Chancellor’s statement. No steps have been taken to reduce billions of subsidies handed to banks, oil, gas, auto, steel, internet and other companies. A relentless squeeze of the less well-off won’t help with rejuvenation of the economy. The Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) already expects the 2025 economic growth to fall to 1%, half the rate forecast in October 2024. Living standards are on track to fall over the next five years. The package of benefit cuts, job losses and tax rises (income tax thresholds remain frozen) will reduce incomes of the poorest half by 1.5% compared to 0.5% fall for the richest fifth. Yet the Spring Statement removes billions from the economy.

The benefit cut for the poorest and disabled was not part of Labour’s 2024 election manifesto commitment. In May 2024, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer declared, “I’m a socialist” and in August 2024 said that “those with the broadest shoulders should bear the heavier burden” in rejuvenating the economy. By January 2025, this morphed into he would be “ruthless” over public spending cuts to help meet the government’s self-imposed fiscal rules. The result is the biggest cut in benefits for poor and the disabled since the one imposed by the Tory Chancellor George Osborne in July 2015. It was partially curtailed by resignation of the Work and Pensions Secretary. This time, the Work and Pensions Secretary is the architect of the cuts. No Labour minister has shown any inclination to resign.

Sir Keir has turned out to be a political chameleon, an admirer of former Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and even portrayed himself as a Conservative. He has adopted a raft of Conservative policies that hurt low/middle income families. These include continuation of the two-child benefit cap, freeze on income tax thresholds, and went further by removing the winter fuel payments from pensioners below the poverty line. The last Conservative government’s Data Protection and Digital Information Bill fell because of the May 2024 general election. It sought to give the state unprecedented powers to 24/7 snoop on the bank accounts of benefit recipients without any court order or right to appeal. The government has now resurrected the same through the Public Authorities (Fraud, Error and Recovery) Bill.

Austerity is a political choice, and not an economic necessity. The government has plenty of options for social investment and letting people live with dignity. It can cut corporate welfare and increase borrowing. It can eliminate tax anomalies favouring the rich, such as by aligning the taxation of capital gains and dividends with wages. It can introduce wealth tax. Just 685,500 Britons in the richest 1% have wealth totalling £2.8 trillion. In comparison, approximately 48m Britons (70% of the population) have a total £2.4 trillion. The richest four Britons have more wealth than 20m people combined. It can introduce a financial transactions tax and reduce the tax reliefs available to corporations. But the government does not wish to upset its corporate and rich backers.

How to curtail the latest dose of austerity and prevent the cuts pushed by the government is a pressing issue. It was people’s power which halted poll tax and bedroom tax. It was people’s power that curbed the 2016 Tory benefit cuts. Resistance was based on petitions, protests and marches in towns and villages. Trade unions, civil society and MPs were mobilised. Letters to newspapers and phone calls to talk shows were used. The same is necessary again, otherwise one-by-one the poorer parts of society will continue to be picked-off. Citizens ought to seek face-to-face meetings with MPs to show their anger. People can send emails and write letters to MPs, but may be fobbed-off with standard replies. A face-to-face engagement has a better chance of jolting MPs out of their comfort zone. A rebellion of Labour MPs is growing and must be fomented. People must come before any political dogma.

The relentless squeeze of low and middle income families is part of a deeper malaise. The political system is captured by big business and the rich. They fund political parties and hand consultancy contracts and fake jobs to too many legislators to exercise power and shape policies. The never-ending austerity and cuts in living standards are being used to transfer wealth from the less well-off to ultra wealthy. Their power needs to be curbed. A start can be made by criminalising the receipt and payment of political donations and gifts to parties and politicians. Legislators must act exclusively as legislators and that means a total ban on second and third jobs for legislators, which in most cases are bribes. This can enable people’s voices to be heard and help to build a just society.

As Those Who Will Not See

David Maddox writes:

Thousands of people with disabilities who face losing their benefits under Labour’s £5bn welfare reforms still cannot read details of what ministers plan to do.

Almost two weeks after work and pensions secretary Liz Kendall unveiled her green paper on welfare reform, an accessible version of the document is still to be made available.

The Department for Work and Pensions has promised that audio versions for blind people, braille and other accessible forms will be ready in early April but with the consultation underway there is fury that they were not available from the start.

Lib Dem MP Steve Darling, who is registered blind and uncovered the delay, hit back saying it was “nothing short of a disgrace”.

"These are some of the biggest cuts to disability benefits on record. Yet nearly two weeks after they were published, disabled people who are facing thousands of pounds a year in support being ripped away still aren't able to read the full plans.

“The government needs to rethink these proposals and start listening to and working with disabled people.”

The row erupted as a result of a parliamentary question by Lib Dem work and pensions spokesperson Steve Darling answered by welfare minister Stephen Timms, who said accessible versions will be published “in due course”.

The minister went on to say that “we have published this Green Paper ahead of all accessible versions to put detailed information about the matters subject to consultation in the public domain at the earliest opportunity”. The Government has also failed to produce accessible versions of the subsequent impact assessment.

Mr Darling, who himself is registered blind, said: “I have experienced first hand just how difficult things can be for someone who is visually impaired in this system, trying to navigate the maze of paperwork and information that needs to be understood. For the government to now put forward these major changes in a way that many can’t even access is nothing short of a disgrace.”

Disabled people have taken the brunt of the cuts, largely through a reworking of the criteria for personal independence payments (PIPs), which is meant to ensure only those with severe disabilities will qualify.

The government’s impact assessment suggested that 250,000 people including 50,000 children will be plunged into poverty as a result of the changes. Some of those are among the 340,000 people registered blind or partially sighted in the UK who cannot read the details of the documents yet.

The Lib Dems have claimed the delay could put the government at risk of breaking their own regulations on accessibility. Part of the requirements for accessibility and public bodies are that “you must make your website or mobile app more accessible by making it ‘perceivable, operable, understandable and robust’. You need to include and update an accessibility statement on your website”. They go on to say “you may be breaking the law if your public sector website or mobile app does not meet accessibility requirements”.

Accessible versions of documents can include: large print (font size 16 or greater), Braille (printed tactile documents), audio, MP3, DAISY (audio only) audio description for multimedia, electronic, Microsoft Word or other processor files, PDF, daisy (audio and text), HTML and close captioned for multimedia.

The row also follows chief Treasury secretary Darren Jones’ quip claiming removing benefits was like removing pocket money, for which he has apologised.

Mr Darling said: “First they compared removing vital support to taking away a child’s pocket money, and now they won’t even give those potentially affected the dignity of going through the details as to how much they will lose out by. This Government has fallen in real danger of losing its moral compass.

“Ministers need to immediately publish the accessible versions of their green paper and impact assessment.”

A DWP spokesperson said: “We have set out a sweeping package of reforms to health and disability benefits that genuinely support people back into work, while putting the welfare system on a more sustainable footing so that the safety net is always there to protect those who need it most.”