Patrick Cockburn writes:
'I am not afraid of anything except for God and
poison gas," said an Iraqi officer who had fought in the Iran-Iraq war.
"It's like a ghost. You have no defence against it." Though not a
target of poison gas as a member of the army using it, he knew what it did to
its victims.
Poison gas is a terrifying weapon. People are
still dying in Iran from the effects of ingesting it a quarter of a century
ago. It is one of the few weapons to be banned with partial success between its
first use on a mass scale in the First World War and again by Saddam Hussein
with even greater intensity against Iranians and Kurds in the 1980s.
It is right, therefore, that the alleged attack
by the Syrian armed forces using chemical weapons against Saraqeb, a rebel-held
town south-west of Aleppo on 29 April, should be carefully investigated.
Doctors told the BBC's Ian Pannell that after an artillery bombardment they treated
eight people with breathing problems, some of whom were vomiting and others who
had constricted pupils.
One woman named Maryam Khatib later died. Her son
Mohammed said: "It was a horrible, suffocating smell. You couldn't breathe
at all. You'd feel like you were dead. I couldn't see anything for three or
four days." Videos taken by local people show a helicopter dropping an
object which appears to leave a trail of white vapour.
My experience of trying to report allegations of
the deployment or use of such weapons over the years makes me cautious. Local
people, including local doctors, are often sincerely convinced that some exotic
weapon has been used against them, but they may not have past experience of
either conventional or chemical attack.
For instance, doctors in Fallujah west of Baghdad
suspect that non-conventional weapons must have been used against the city when
it was stormed by US forces in November 2004. This might explain why so many
malformed babies have been born since. It is impossible not to sympathise or
suppress a feeling of rage over the sufferings of these people.
But, in blaming non-conventional weapons, people
may underestimate what conventional munitions can do. In two weeks' fighting in
Fallujah in 2004, US marine artillery units fired an average of 379
high-explosive 155mm shells a day into this small city. In addition, American
jets flying overhead dropped 318 bombs and, together with helicopters, fired
391 rockets and missiles.
At the time, the Iraqi government of Iyad Allawi
made the unlikely claim that just 200 buildings in Fallujah had been destroyed
or damaged. A recently published book, The Endgame: The Inside Story of the
Struggle for Iraq from George W Bush to Barack Obama by Michael Gordon and
Bernard Trainor, from which the above figures are taken, reveals that the US
marines "estimated that out of about 50,000 residences in the city, their
operations had destroyed between 7,000 and 10,000, as well as 60 mosques".
Perhaps this vastly excessive use of firepower is sufficient explanation for
the appalling birth defects.
Allegations about the use of poison gas in Syria
are made under the shadow of the notoriously false claims about Saddam
Hussein's possession of weapons of mass destruction made to justify the Iraq
war. Not surprisingly, this has made the public everywhere in the world dubious
about stories about the possession or use of WMD being used to hoodwink them
into supporting another war.
Of course, it is much against the interests of
the Syrian government to use chemical weapons because this might provoke
foreign military intervention. The Syrian army has no need to use it as a
terror weapon because artillery, aerial bombardment and death squads are quite
enough to frighten people into taking flight. There are already 1.5 million
refugees outside the country.
Journalists bear a large measure of
responsibility for giving credence to the stories peddled by Iraqi defectors,
intelligence services and government about Saddam's WMD. In that case, it
should have been self-evident that Iraqi defectors with juicy stories, and the
opposition parties that promoted them, wanted to tempt the US into military
action against Saddam. When it comes to chemical weapons, the Syrian opposition
has similar and wholly understandable motives.
As for the credibility of Western government
claims about WMD, it is worth recalling that they tolerated Saddam using poison
gas on a mass scale. And they did more than just turn a blind eye. Joost
Hiltermann, in his book A Poisonous Affair: America, Iraq and the Gassing of
Halabja, writes that Western powers "sent repeated signals to Iraq that
the regime could continue, and even escalate, chemical weapons use – which it
did, with the Halabja attack [when thousands of Kurdish civilians died] as
climax".
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