Being created in the image and likeness of Almighty God,
each individual human life is absolutely sacred, from the point of
fertilisation to the point of natural death, which can and does happen at any
point after fertilisation, a matter for its Author and Lord, not for us. I make
no apology for arguing from a specifically religious perspective in the conduct
of debate on public policy, since freedom of religion is not civic or societal
freedom from religion (to which individuals are entitled, but the State and the
wider society are not), but rather includes the freedom so to argue.
On that basis did Shaftesbury and Wilberforce, Tories both,
use the full force of the State to stamp out abuses of the poor at home and
slavery abroad, both of which are now well on the way back in this secularised
age. Victorian Nonconformists used the Liberal Party to fight against opium
dens and the compelling of people to work seven-day weeks, both of which have
now returned in full. Temperance Methodists built the Labour Party in order to
counteract brutal capitalism precisely so as to prevent a Marxist revolution,
whereas the coherence of the former with the cultural aspects of the latter now
reigns supreme. Shaftesbury and Wilberforce, the Victorian Liberals and the
Christian Socialist pioneers, all did as they did precisely because they
believed as I believe about the sanctity of life.
That principle rules out numerous practices, among which are
direct abortion, indirect abortion either at all or (and I am told that this
would never happen anymore) where any other course of action would result in
the loss of both lives, euthanasia, assisted suicide, destructive
experimentation on embryonic human beings, human cloning, human-animal
hybridity, the creation of “saviour siblings”, capital punishment (it is a
plain and simple lie that opponents of abortion are usually pro-hanging), and
unjust warfare, if any war be just, but certainly including total war, as well
as the manufacture, stockpiling or use of nuclear, radiological, chemical or
biological weapons, together with the international trade in arms.
It therefore further entails the active struggle against
numerous underlying evils, including poverty, ignorance, squalor, illness,
idleness, racism, sexual promiscuity, pornography, eugenic ideologies, the
alienation or marginalisation of people with disabilities, the lack of due
respect for old age, the failure or refusal to celebrate the infinite beauty of
every human being as the image and likeness of God, the classification of human
beings solely or primarily as economic units (as in both capitalism and
Marxism), and the pursuit of policies likely to give rise to armed conflict.
Neither of these lists is anything approaching exhaustive. Truly, being
pro-life is an entire way of life.
Iain Duncan Smith is probably pro-life, but he showed little
or no sign of it while he was Leader of the Opposition. The last Party Leader
to have been known as and for it was John Smith. Whereas Margaret Thatcher, she
of Hillsborough and of 11 consecutive New Year’s Eves, every single one during
her Premiership, spent with Jimmy Savile, legalised abortion up to birth under
three of the four circumstances under which the 1967 Act, which she had
supported, had legalised it at all. She also legalised destructive experimentation
on embryonic human beings.
Her dear friend Ronald Reagan, whose oft-proclaimed pro-life
credentials were and are an out and out lie, had legalised abortion in
California, where he had also introduced the no fault divorce that has since
been copied across the United States. By contrast, both of George McGovern’s
running mates were pro-life. Although Henry Hyde himself was not only a
conservative Republican but almost a sort of European Catholic monarchist, the
Hyde Amendment banning federal funding of abortion was passed by a Democratic
Congress and signed into law by Jimmy Carter; it has never failed to achieve
its required annual renewal by both Houses of Congress. ObamaCare specifically
excludes abortion, but RomneyCare specifically includes it. Mitt Romney
continues to draw an income from the provision of abortion by the interests of
Bain Capital.
If “there is no such thing as society” (and yes, Margaret
Thatcher really did say that), then there can be no such thing as the society
that is the family, or the society that is the nation. There cannot be a “free”
market generally but not in drugs, prostitution or pornography. The economic
decadence of the 1980s is no more acceptable that the social decadence of the
1960s. The principle of the planned economy came down to the Attlee Government,
via the Liberal Keynes and via Franklin Delano Roosevelt, from an
ultraconservative Catholic, Colbert. The principle of the Welfare State came
down to the Attlee Government, via the Liberals Lloyd George and Beveridge, and
via the Conservative Governments of the Inter-War years, from an
ultraconservative Protestant, Bismarck.
Those who looked to the union-busting criminality of pirate radio, which was funded by the same Oliver Smedley who went on to fund the proto-Thatcherite Institute of Economic Affairs, were enfranchised in time for the 1970 General Election, gave victory to what they thought were the Selsdon Tories, and went on to support first the economic and then the constitutional entrenchment of their dissolute moral and social attitudes by Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair.
Those who looked to the union-busting criminality of pirate radio, which was funded by the same Oliver Smedley who went on to fund the proto-Thatcherite Institute of Economic Affairs, were enfranchised in time for the 1970 General Election, gave victory to what they thought were the Selsdon Tories, and went on to support first the economic and then the constitutional entrenchment of their dissolute moral and social attitudes by Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair.
Labour MPs defended Catholic schools, and thus all
church-based state schools, over several successive decades. Early Labour activists
resisted schemes to abort, contracept and sterilise the working class out of
existence. Upper and upper-middle-class people joined the early Labour Party
precisely because their backgrounds and involvement in the Church of England
made them familiar with the importance of State action against social evils.
Many Social Catholics in post-War Italy promoted
Keynesianism and felt a strong affinity with the domestic policies of the
Attlee Government, but they were also sceptical about NATO. Jakob Kaiser’s
vision was of a German Christian Democracy that looked to British Labour for
its inspiration in giving effect to Catholic Social Teaching, and which gave
such effect by emphasising co-operatives, the public ownership of key industries,
extensive social insurance, and the works councils later suggested in the SDP’s
founding Limehouse Declaration and advocated by David Owen, while also seeking
a United Germany as a bridge between East and West, allied neither to NATO nor
to the Soviet Bloc.
The witness of Bob Santamaria in Australia is also of crucial historical importance, including as a warning from time to time. The New Deal was passionately supported by Southern Evangelical Protestants and by “white ethnic” Catholics and Orthodox. Civil Rights grew out of, if it has ever become “out of”, Baptist and Pentecostal churches and those in the unreconstructed Wesleyan Holiness tradition, churches lately no less active in the defence of traditional marriage and increasingly conscious of the triple genocide of the black male in the womb, on the streets and on the battlefield.
The witness of Bob Santamaria in Australia is also of crucial historical importance, including as a warning from time to time. The New Deal was passionately supported by Southern Evangelical Protestants and by “white ethnic” Catholics and Orthodox. Civil Rights grew out of, if it has ever become “out of”, Baptist and Pentecostal churches and those in the unreconstructed Wesleyan Holiness tradition, churches lately no less active in the defence of traditional marriage and increasingly conscious of the triple genocide of the black male in the womb, on the streets and on the battlefield.
More controversially in Italy, but they cannot be
discounted, were the Cattocomunisti, no less Catto than comunisiti;
in any case, the left-wing Democristiani were well to the Left by
British standards even at the time, and most of the Italian Left has been
subsumed into the Democratic Party, which has elected as its President Rosy
Bindi, late of Azione Cattolica and Democrazia Cristiana. Her
election, together with that of her preferred candidate for Leader, is an
immensely positive sign, and she herself deserves much credit for having
reached out in this way, when we consider that she lost at least one close
friend to the Red Brigades. Their erstwhile supporters exist on the fringes of
her major new party. But its internal electoral results leave no doubt as to
where its centre of gravity lies, as to what is its mainstream.
Within the East German Bloc Party system, much of the CDU
opposed the legalisation of abortion in 1972, only one year before its
legalisation either on demand or at all, but by judicial fiat rather than by
even so inadequate a parliamentary means, by the overturning of the laws of all
50 of the United States of America. It is worth researching how much Christian
Democracy, Liberalism, Nationalism or Agrarianism was carried over into each of
the Bloc Parties other than the SED, or for that matter how much Social
Democracy rather than Communism was carried over into the SED itself. Say it again:
East Germany legalised abortion only one year before the United States did so,
and fully five years after its legalisation in California by Ronald Reagan.
In huge numbers, members and
supporters of Fianna Fáil (which Seán Lemass called “the real Irish Labour Party”,
not the whole of its heritage but nevertheless there), of Fine Gael (which for
all its economic faults did manage to produce the 1965 General Election
manifesto Towards a Just Society, so these things are not unheard of
within it) and for that matter of the Irish Labour Party, have felt able to
become members and supporters of the British Labour Party.
Irish Labour has since been taken over by those who had become Democratic Left and lined up with Fine Gael up to its old tricks again. But whatever else may be said of the Workers’ Party, it is still functioning in Northern Ireland, and, unless anyone knows better, there seems little reason to doubt that its remnant voters are at least occasionally observant Catholics, if not fully practising ones, just as in the days when the Cold War was being fought hotly by proxy within the Republican subculture there, between the agents of two superpowers equally, and equally violently, opposed to the continued existence of the United Kingdom. The Workers’ Party had several internal disputes over abortion. Every SDLP MP has been and, where applicable, remains totally pro-life.
Irish Labour has since been taken over by those who had become Democratic Left and lined up with Fine Gael up to its old tricks again. But whatever else may be said of the Workers’ Party, it is still functioning in Northern Ireland, and, unless anyone knows better, there seems little reason to doubt that its remnant voters are at least occasionally observant Catholics, if not fully practising ones, just as in the days when the Cold War was being fought hotly by proxy within the Republican subculture there, between the agents of two superpowers equally, and equally violently, opposed to the continued existence of the United Kingdom. The Workers’ Party had several internal disputes over abortion. Every SDLP MP has been and, where applicable, remains totally pro-life.
Cardinal Manning led the 1889 London dockers’ march
serenaded by the Salvation Army band, and he played a pivotal role in settling
that strike. Catholic and other Labour MPs, including John Smith, fought tooth
and nail against abortion, not least including Thatcher’s
introduction of abortion up to birth. David
Cameron’s choice of responsible Minister, Anna Soubry, one of his most obvious
ideological soul mates, advocates the assisted suicide that Gordon Brown
consistently and cogently ruled out.
The name of Margaret Thatcher is abominated in pro-life and pro-family circles. Matched only by the abomination of the name of Tony Blair.
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