Michael White writes:
In an anniversary-obsessed year – with the
Titanic centenary, the bicentenary of Dickens's birth (and Shakespeare's
448th), and the Queen's Diamond Jubilee – one such opportunity is largely
conspicuous by its absence. Yet not everyone gets to burn down the White House
after eating a fleeing president's dinner. There is even a helpful clue in the
title: the War of 1812. It followed the US Congress's indignant declaration of
war on 24 June against – yes – imperial Britain, a country grappling with a mad
King George III, a murdered PM (Spencer Perceval) and a 20-year struggle with
France.
Strange that, apart from a couple of new histories, the 30-month conflict on
land, sea and lake has had little attention in either country, though Canada pays more. Its existence as an independent country with an
undefended 3,000-mile land border is one of several major consequences of a
silly conflict that embarrassed both sides – and still does.
Britain had its hands full fighting Napoleon in
1812, and (as in 1914-17) Americans were cross with the way both sides'
embargoes disrupted their trade. But they were especially cross with maritime
Britain for seizing British-born sailors to serve in the Royal Navy, and for
supporting tribal warriors like Tecumseh in the frontier wars.
Expansionist politicians from the south and west
("war hawks" as scornful critics put it) had their eye on French and
Spanish colonies on the Mississippi and beyond. Taking British Canada would be "a mere matter of marching",
ex-president Thomas Jefferson assured them. James Madison, the weak fourth
president, didn't want war. Nor did merchants of New York and New England. But
the Senate came within four votes (18-14) of declaring war on France too.
Madness. A shambolic three-pronged US invasion of Canada was repelled, not
least by loyalists who fled America in the war of independence. Parts of Maine
were occupied.
It was not all one-way. The infant US navy was a
meritocracy, grossly outnumbered, but its ships better designed with bigger
guns, its privateers harrying British shipping in the Irish Sea. Overall
Nelson's navy prevailed, but its "sacred spell of invincibility" was
shattered, the Brits admitted.
Once Bonaparte had been dispatched (briefly) to
exile in Elba, some 14,000 of Wellington's veterans (he declined to lead them)
were dispatched to deal with what London saw as the treacherous stab in the
back. Britain's own three-pronged attack on New York, Baltimore (where the
defence of Fort McHenry inspired The
Star-Spangled Banner) and Washington fared little better – though British
troops did trash Congress and burn the White House in retaliation for the
burning of Toronto.
US peace feelers had been out almost from day one
and bore fruit in Ghent on Christmas Eve 1814, after London modified its
arrogant terms and accepted the pre-war status quo. It left awkward matters
such as fishing and the 49th parallel (today's undefended border) to be quietly
resolved later. Canada remained British, America marched west, the Indians were
sold out.
After all that US blood and treasure had been
wasted, the war hawks might have been in trouble, but for a stroke of luck.
Before news of the treaty crossed the Atlantic, General Andrew Jackson, a
future president, thrashed the Brits (2,000 dead and wounded, three generals killed) in
defence of New Orleans on January 8 1815. It was a fig-leaf, but a good one
for emerging national self-confidence.
The two sides never fought again, despite some
hairy moments during the American civil war (there was a UK pro-slavery lobby)
and (shipping issues again) in the first world war. The balance of economic and
military power remorselessly swung America's way until, in the dark days of
1940-41, Britain embraced its own subordination.
It is a tribute to the myth-making power of
selective memory that, besides the odd uneasy joke by David Cameron, few in the Anglo-American family refer to
the scandal of 1812 that almost led to divorce.
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