It seems that the BNP, and its French and Hungarian allies, will not after all be able to secure EU funding as a Europarty, including for an attendant Eurofoundation. Apparently, they do not conform to "the values of the European Union". I fail to see why not. These and other deeply
unsavoury people have been legislating for us ever since we went into
the wretched thing, both in the European Parliament or in the
predecessor European Assembly, and in the coalitions represented in the
Council of Ministers.
Those coalitions might nominally be single parties: off to Brussels in the Thatcher and, to a lesser extent, Major years trooped Ministers who were members of the Western Goals Institute or the Monday Club, with their crossover, via things like the League of Saint George, to overt neo-Nazism on the Continent, to the Ku Klux Klan, to apartheid South Africa, to Ian Smith's Rhodesia, to the juntas of Latin America, to Marcos and Suharto, to the Duvaliers, and so forth. For that matter, the Cabinet Minister who took us in under Heath, Geoffrey Rippon, was a Monday Club stalwart. "Europe a Nation" was Mosley's slogan, and the whole idea's affinity with Fascism could not be more obvious.
It needs to be brought home to our people, among others, to whose legislative will we are now subject. Let there be a European Senate to which each of the Europarties, currently 11 in number including this one, would nominate one Senator from each member-state at the same time as the elections to the European Parliament. That would give a total of 297, or 308 once Croatia has had the bad taste to join up.
Those coalitions might nominally be single parties: off to Brussels in the Thatcher and, to a lesser extent, Major years trooped Ministers who were members of the Western Goals Institute or the Monday Club, with their crossover, via things like the League of Saint George, to overt neo-Nazism on the Continent, to the Ku Klux Klan, to apartheid South Africa, to Ian Smith's Rhodesia, to the juntas of Latin America, to Marcos and Suharto, to the Duvaliers, and so forth. For that matter, the Cabinet Minister who took us in under Heath, Geoffrey Rippon, was a Monday Club stalwart. "Europe a Nation" was Mosley's slogan, and the whole idea's affinity with Fascism could not be more obvious.
It needs to be brought home to our people, among others, to whose legislative will we are now subject. Let there be a European Senate to which each of the Europarties, currently 11 in number including this one, would nominate one Senator from each member-state at the same time as the elections to the European Parliament. That would give a total of 297, or 308 once Croatia has had the bad taste to join up.
Just imagine if at least the more politically aware
people in this country were confronted with the figure of David Irving,
or of someone who held equally noxious views about the gulags, the
Holodomor and the Cultural Revolution. Imagine those potted newspaper
profiles of our 11 new European Senators. Hell, why not make them
all members of the House of Commons, and allow each of the
Eurofoundations to nominate a Crossbench Peer? No, probably better not
to, home though that would certainly bring the point. Their numbers
might turn out to be just enough to stop anything from being done about
it.
The European Senate would have the power to propose amendments which the European Parliament would then be obliged to consider, and before the final text went on to the Council of Ministers the Senate would have the power to require unanimity there rather than Qualified Majority Voting. On that second point, it might even do some good.
And why not give the EU some Lords Spiritual? Let each member-state nominate two permanent offices the occupants of which would always be European Senators, one representing the country's religious and spiritual sources of moral sense and cultural identity, and the other representing the country's secular and humanist sources of moral sense and cultural identity. All very Blessed John Paul the Great. The former offices would be far easier to identify, but they could both be done, especially in academia: the Professor of Moral Philosophy at the ancient seat of learning, that sort of thing. In either case, which office it was could not be changed without the consent of all of the office-holders in the same category.
At present, there would be 15 Catholic hierarchs (16 with Croatia), six Lutheran ones of considerable diversity, four Orthodox, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and someone Dutch Reformed, again most obviously drawn from the ranks of senior academia rather than from among those who changed every year. There would be those who would argue that the Catholic Church ought these days to have the British, Dutch or German place, but that would only antagonise those whose support we needed. Dispensation from the canonical bar on Catholic clergy sitting as civil legislators would not be difficult to obtain, least of all from a Bavarian Pope.
And let each of the Europarties nominate a further two such Senators, at the same time as its other appointees on whom see above, one representing the secular and humanist basis of its philosophy, policies and support, and the other representing the religious and spiritual basis of its philosophy, policies and support. Quite an eye-opener. Not least in view of quite how many of those figures might very well be British. And not least in view of quite who those Britons would be.
The European Senate would have the power to propose amendments which the European Parliament would then be obliged to consider, and before the final text went on to the Council of Ministers the Senate would have the power to require unanimity there rather than Qualified Majority Voting. On that second point, it might even do some good.
And why not give the EU some Lords Spiritual? Let each member-state nominate two permanent offices the occupants of which would always be European Senators, one representing the country's religious and spiritual sources of moral sense and cultural identity, and the other representing the country's secular and humanist sources of moral sense and cultural identity. All very Blessed John Paul the Great. The former offices would be far easier to identify, but they could both be done, especially in academia: the Professor of Moral Philosophy at the ancient seat of learning, that sort of thing. In either case, which office it was could not be changed without the consent of all of the office-holders in the same category.
At present, there would be 15 Catholic hierarchs (16 with Croatia), six Lutheran ones of considerable diversity, four Orthodox, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and someone Dutch Reformed, again most obviously drawn from the ranks of senior academia rather than from among those who changed every year. There would be those who would argue that the Catholic Church ought these days to have the British, Dutch or German place, but that would only antagonise those whose support we needed. Dispensation from the canonical bar on Catholic clergy sitting as civil legislators would not be difficult to obtain, least of all from a Bavarian Pope.
And let each of the Europarties nominate a further two such Senators, at the same time as its other appointees on whom see above, one representing the secular and humanist basis of its philosophy, policies and support, and the other representing the religious and spiritual basis of its philosophy, policies and support. Quite an eye-opener. Not least in view of quite how many of those figures might very well be British. And not least in view of quite who those Britons would be.
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