Seumas Milne writes:
The
war on terror, that campaign without end launched 14 years ago by George Bush,
is tying itself up in ever more grotesque contortions.
On Monday the
trial in London of a Swedish man, Bherlin Gildo, accused of terrorism in Syria,
collapsed after it
became clear British intelligence had been arming the same rebel groups the
defendant was charged with supporting.
The prosecution abandoned the
case, apparently to avoid embarrassing the intelligence services.
The defence
argued that going ahead withthe trial would have been an “affront to justice”
when there was plenty of evidence the British state was itself providing
“extensive support” to the armed Syrian opposition.
That didn’t only include the
“non-lethal assistance” boasted of by the government (including body armour and
military vehicles), but training, logistical support and the secret supply of
“arms on a massive scale”.
Reports were cited that MI6
had cooperated with the CIA on a “rat line” of arms transfers from Libyan
stockpiles to the Syrian rebels in 2012 after the fall of the Gaddafi regime.
Clearly, the absurdity of sending
someone to prison for doing what ministers and their security officials were up
to themselves became too much.
But it’s only the latest of a string of such
cases.
Less fortunate was a London cab driver Anis
Sardar, who was given a life sentence a fortnight earlier for taking part in 2007 in resistance
to the occupation of Iraq by US and British forces.
Armed opposition to illegal
invasion and occupation clearly doesn’t constitute terrorism or murder on most
definitions, including the Geneva convention.
But terrorism is now squarely in
the eye of the beholder.
And nowhere is that more so than in the Middle East,
where today’s terrorists are tomorrow’s fighters against tyranny – and allies
are enemies – often at the bewildering whim of a western policymaker’s
conference call.
For the past year, US, British
and other western forces have been back in Iraq, supposedly in the cause of
destroying the hyper-sectarian terror group Islamic State (formerly known as al-Qaida in Iraq).
This was after Isis overran huge chunks of Iraqi and Syrian territory and
proclaimed a self-styled Islamic caliphate.
The campaign isn’t going well.
Last month, Isis rolled
into the Iraqi city of Ramadi, while on the other side of the now nonexistent
border its forces conquered the Syrian town of Palmyra. Al-Qaida’s official
franchise, the Nusra Front, has also been making gains in Syria.
Some Iraqis complain that the US
sat on its hands while all this was going on.
The Americans insist they are
trying to avoid civilian casualties, and claim significant successes.
Privately, officials say they don’t want to be seen hammering Sunni strongholds
in a sectarian war and risk upsetting their Sunni allies in the Gulf.
A revealing light on how we got
here has now been shone by a
recently declassified secret US intelligence report, written in August 2012,
which uncannily predicts – and effectively welcomes – the prospect of a
“Salafist principality” in eastern Syria and an al-Qaida-controlled Islamic
state in Syria and Iraq.
In stark contrast to western claims at the time, the
Defense Intelligence Agency document identifies al-Qaida in Iraq (which became
Isis) and fellow Salafists as the “major forces driving the insurgency in
Syria” – and states that “western countries, the Gulf states and Turkey” were
supporting the opposition’s efforts to take control of eastern Syria.
Raising the “possibility of
establishing a declared or undeclared Salafist principality”, the Pentagon
report goes on, “this is exactly what the supporting powers to the opposition
want, in order to isolate the Syrian regime, which is considered the strategic
depth of the Shia expansion (Iraq and Iran)”.
The report isn’t a
policy document. It’s heavily redacted and there are ambiguities in the
language. But the implications are clear enough.
A year into the Syrian
rebellion, the US and its allies weren’t only supporting and arming an
opposition they knew to be dominated by extreme sectarian groups; they were
prepared to countenance the creation of some sort of “Islamic state” – despite
the “grave danger” to Iraq’s unity – as a Sunni
buffer to weaken Syria.
That doesn’t mean the US created
Isis, of course, though some of its Gulf allies certainly played a role in it –
as the US vice-president, Joe Biden, acknowledged last year.
But there was no
al-Qaida in Iraq until
the US and Britain invaded. And the US has certainly exploited the existence of
Isis against other forces in the region as part of a wider drive to maintain
western control.
The calculus changed when Isis
started beheading westerners and posting atrocities online, and the Gulf states
are now backing other groups in the Syrian war, such as the Nusra Front.
But
this US and western habit of playing with jihadi groups, which then come back
to bite them, goes back at least to the 1980s war against the Soviet Union in
Afghanistan, which fostered the original al-Qaida under CIA tutelage.
It was recalibrated during the
occupation of Iraq, when US
forces led by General Petraeus sponsored an El Salvador-style dirty war of
sectarian death squads to
weaken the Iraqi resistance.
And it was reprised in 2011 in the
Nato-orchestrated war in Libya, where Isis last week took control of Gaddafi’s
home town of Sirte.
In reality, US and western policy
in the conflagration that is now the Middle East is in the classic mould of
imperial divide-and-rule.
American forces bomb one set of rebels while backing
another in Syria, and mount what are effectively joint military operations with
Iran against Isis in Iraq while supporting Saudi Arabia’s military campaign
against Iranian-backed Houthi forces in Yemen.
However confused US policy may
often be, a weak, partitioned Iraq and Syria fit such an approach perfectly.
What’s clear is that Isis and its
monstrosities won’t be defeated by the same powers that brought it to Iraq and
Syria in the first place, or whose open and covert war-making has fostered it
in the years since.
Endless western military interventions in the Middle East
have brought only destruction and division.
It’s the people of the region who
can cure this disease – not those who incubated the virus.
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