George Osborne won’t have a clue who Paula Peters is, but
he has shaped the past five years of her life.
And when the chancellor delivers his emergency budget in parliament early next month, he should look up to the public gallery.
He may well see Paula staring back at him.
And when the chancellor delivers his emergency budget in parliament early next month, he should look up to the public gallery.
He may well see Paula staring back at him.
As a disabled woman, she’s
among those most hurt most by Osborne’s cuts. Now she wishes to hear
for herself what the cabinet’s going to do to her next.
I want you to hear Paula’s story precisely because it is
not the one David Cameron would have you believe. As the prime minister tells
it, he’s a champion of the rights of disabled people.
He has talked about how
the strain of caring
for his own severely disabled son, Ivan, almost led to his family “falling
apart”.
I have no wish
to doubt Cameron’s sincerity – but this month he will scrap
the independent living fund, a small pot of cash that allows very
disabled people to live in their own homes and communities.
Without it, people
with similar conditions to Ivan will become prisoners in their own homes, or
shut away in a residential care facility.
During the election campaign, the
Conservative leader promised that “the most disabled should always be
protected”.
Yet the Centre
for Welfare Reform calculates that his austerity programme has so far
hit Britons
with disabilities nine times harder than the average. Those with
severe disabilities were whacked 19 times harder.
And now those same people are
about to be devastated all over again.
I met Paula at the end of last
week, a couple of days after Cameron refused to rule out further cuts to
disability benefits.
The 43-year-old has a range of health problems, physical
and mental – among them rheumatoid arthritis, which accounted for her swollen
hands and the chipped walking cane.
Rapid-cycling
bipolar disorder makes
her prey to vertiginous mood swings. “Up, down, up, down: you want to get off
the rollercoaster but you can’t. Your mind won’t quieten down.”
In 2010 Cameron and Osborne
trained their sights on people like Paula, thanks to a chain of three choices.
First, they chose to try to wipe out the deficit, rather than spur growth. Second, they chose to do this not by raising taxes, but almost solely by
spending cuts.
Finally, ministers decided they had to slash welfare, but
couldn’t take money off pensioners – all that inevitably meant hacking
back support for children, or people with disabilities.
What that’s brought for Paula is a profound anxiety about
how much money she has to live on.
In an attempt to bring down the bill for
disability benefits, Iain Duncan Smith, the work and pensions secretary in
charge of welfare, commissioned the private firm Atos
to test every single claimant of
employment and support allowance, the successor to incapacity benefit.
Paula
has been through two such tests in two years, each time seized with worry about
what happens if she “fails”.
“It gets to the point where
you’re frightened of the thud of the postman coming up your path,” she says.
“You’re fearful of a brown envelope, in case it’s from the DWP [Department for
Work and Pensions]. You’re fearful of a white envelope in case it’s from Atos.”
The worry got so much that once she was admitted to the local psychiatric unit,
where staff were warned not even to mention benefits in front of her.
Some have been less resilient. A
friend of Paula, also suffering with bipolar, received a letter saying that
she’d been paid too much in benefits.
This was early in the austerity regime,
when the lexicon of “skivers
and strivers” was
still new and shocking.
The friend told others that she wasn’t able to cope
with the stress. A few days later, she threw herself under a train, leaving
behind three small children. “She’s not the only friend I’ve lost; this
government’s got blood on its hands.”
So far Paula has kept her
benefits. But she observes that they’ve barely risen in five years, while the
price of food and energy has shot up. Sometimes she goes without eating. The
Wednesday before we met passed without a single meal.
It’s not just benefit cuts that
have hurt disabled people – it’s the drying up of public services and funds for
care packages, or the difficulties in getting home adaptations and equipment.
And, says Paula, it’s the suspicion from politicians and the public.
Official statistics show hate
crimes against people with disabilities have been rising year on year since 2011.
Some of this
must be the responsibility of the government, and what Paula calls its
“horrible rhetoric”.
She was on the bus a couple of years ago, coming back from
hospital when a man spotted her mobility aid and jeered: “I bet you’re one of
those spongers.” Not a single passenger spoke up.
“I couldn’t leave the house
for a week after that.”
Of each £100 spent on benefits, only
70p is fraudulently claimed. Yet
Tory MPs still talk of people claiming disability benefits as a lifestyle
choice.
Some lifestyle. “You try living with chronic pain and tiredness, with
throwing up in the toilet, or bowel incontinence when it gets bad, with feeling
like shit every day,” says Paula.
And the same Tories who talk about getting
disabled people working cut
funding for the Access to Work programme that supports them at work.
When ministers began austerity
five years ago, they got up a cover story. They pointed at Greece. They pressed
into service any scrap of academic research that helped their cause, no matter
how shoddy. In short, they manufactured an emergency.
And they encouraged their
friends in the press to run story after story about the people who didn’t
deserve their benefits: the slobs and liars and mickey-takers.
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The story has stuck, though the
plan to wipe out the deficit failed, which is why we’re about to do the same
dance all over again.
Some of the biggest savings promised from disability
benefits haven’t materialised.
But Paula and her friends have become human
collateral in an ideological war, poisoned by the rhetoric of a regime
that nabs money from the poor and hands it to the rich – while claiming to
be acting in the best interests of the people it hurts most.
But whatever
incentives you throw at Paula, they won’t make her less disabled. She needs
support; instead she gets a walloping.
“If I had Cameron in front of me”
she says, “I’d have only one question: Why? Why’s he picking on us? He had a
disabled son, he’s
claimed DLA.
“Where’s the hatred come from?”
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