Tom Morton writes:
"Their morality," thundersqueaked Nicola
Sturgeon at the recent SNP conference in Perth, "is not our
morality."
She was talking about the Tories, but as in the much flaunted
myth of "civic nationalism", there was an ethnic tinge lurking
beneath the rhetoric.
Just as it's open season on "Old Etonian
toffs" on the grouse moors of Govan, while the former pupils of Loretto, Glenalmond, Fettes, George Watson's and Merchiston stalk the deer
forests of Holyrood
in lordly fashion. They're not like "us", "down there".
"Civic nationalism" is the buzzphrase
used by the separatist camp to deflect any hint of comparison with the kind of
nationalism that led to bloody mayhem in the Balkans.
Or, even more
inflammatory, any reminder of the SNP's flirtations with fascism in the 1930s, courtesy of such figures as
barrister Andrew
Dewar Gibb and the poets Douglas
Young and Hugh
MacDiarmid.
Civic nationalism defines a community not by its borders or
ethnicity, but by a shared set of political values, and the shared democratic
visions of its people.
Sort of like, well, Britain.
But for Sturgeon, the sharing of those values
stops 10 miles north of Carlisle.
Carlisle, with its English Street, its Botchergate, its quaint 440-year-old law that demands the whipping of any Scotsman "found wandering".
Carlisle,
"down there".
I write from Shetland, where "down
there" can mean John O'Groats.
Where "us" does not reach further than Sumburgh Head.
Where one local crofter, asked about Scottish independence, allegedly replied:
"Well, in London they don't care about us. But in Edinburgh, they hate
us."
I am not a Shetlander, having spent most of my
life in west central Scotland, and I have an affection for Disneyburgh that
extends beyond its nae-knickers poshness and self-satisfied capital cool.
But I
can't see why folk from Auld Reekie, Glasgow, that Dear Green Place
or any other part of Scotland should be perceived as being somehow morally
better, more enlightened, even more leftwing than those across that invisible
border.
Much is made, in separatist circles, of the fact
that Scotland labours under the yoke of a government it did not vote for.
Scotland, they say, has but a single Conservative MP and is a repository of equality, loving kindness
and a fervour for linked-arm semi-socialism.
Those bastards in Carlisle,
Durham, Newcastle and suchlike Tory hotbeds: they did this to us.
May they rot
in hell with that Maria Swiller and her horrid ilk.
A wee look at history reveals a rather different
story.
A fascinating analysis by Graham Cowie, a public law postgraduate at
Glasgow University (and avowed Liberal Democrat), of the Westminster vote in
Britain since the second world war reveals the following: Scotland has voted
for a Labour government at Westminster in every election since 1945, except for
1951 and 1955.
Which means that between 1997 and 2010, the government was one a
majority of Scots voted for.
But in 1951 the vote was tied at 37 seats to
Labour and 37 to the Conservative and Unionist party, with one Liberal. A tie.
And in 1955 Scotland voted for a Tory government. The year I was born.
Since the war, Scotland's voters have failed to
get their government of choice for a total of 34 years and 10 months.
But for
the Welsh it's 39 years and three months. Northern Ireland? Fifty-two years and
four months.
And as for the English?
Well, there's a lot of
"them" "down there".
For 10 years and seven months since
the war, including the current Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition, the UK
government has not been the one that England voted for.
So it's complicated. It's statistics. ut that's
first-past-the-post democracy.
As for Scotland, when we look at votes, how
representative is the SNP administration at Holyrood?
There's an overall
majority, but they achieved 45% of the constituency vote and 44% on the
regional lists.
On a 50% turnout.
Less than half of half the electorate.
That's
not "most Scots".
It's not "us".
It's not me.
Here's a thing: I'm from Carlisle.
On 31 December
1955, Hogmanay, my Scots-born parents were in the city. Living there, indeed,
not on some desperate antepartum race for the border.
They were back in Glasgow
within months, but my birth certificate is English, red-on-cream, and one
flourish of it should prevent any horsewhipping incidents. I keep it handy just
in case.
Maybe that's why I hate borders.
Why I believe in
solidarity with those strange folk who dwell "down there", who wish
to work together for a fairer, more equal society.
And why I despise the way
issues of health, childcare, justice, fairness, poverty and unemployment have
been reduced to nothing more than a line in the land.
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