Jeremy Corbyn writes:
Tomorrow will see a four-way meeting take place as Russia, the United States, the EU and Ukraine discuss ongoing tensions in the latter country.
Tomorrow will see a four-way meeting take place as Russia, the United States, the EU and Ukraine discuss ongoing tensions in the latter country.
But while the endless
drama of meetings, lurid statements and predictions and mass demonstrations
catches the world's eye, something more significant and fundamental is taking
place in international politics.
As the US moves into
relative economic decline, China's expansion and Russia's huge energy reserves
and location are moving the politics of the world to a different place.
Russia and China have
reached a momentous agreement to sell gas and do business in either of their
own currencies - but not in dollars.
As with Iraq's 2002 move
from dollars to euros, the new means of exchange downgrades the US dollar as
the international currency of choice, but now on a far bigger scale.
The broad historical
sweep since the end of the Soviet Union showed two decades of unipolar US
power.
But now the resurgence of Russia and the enormous economic power of China are ending that.
But now the resurgence of Russia and the enormous economic power of China are ending that.
The history of conflicts
since 1990 is grim.
Hot wars took place in the Gulf, in the former Yugoslavia, in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, all involving the US and Nato.
Hot wars took place in the Gulf, in the former Yugoslavia, in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, all involving the US and Nato.
The period saw the
European Union cement its relationship with Nato, and more recently the US
shift its military focus to the Asia-Pacific region as it now sees China as its
main rival.
The EU and Nato have now
become the tools of US policy in Europe.
The US remains
overwhelmingly the military superpower.
It seized opportunities in 1990 and in 2001 to increase its military spending and develop a global reach of bases unmatched since the second world war.
It seized opportunities in 1990 and in 2001 to increase its military spending and develop a global reach of bases unmatched since the second world war.
The expansion of Nato
into Poland and the Czech Republic has particularly increased tensions with
Russia.
Agreements Gorbachov
reached before the final demise of the Soviet Union and subsequent pledges that
Ukraine's independence would not see it brought into Nato or any other military
alliance appear to have been forgotten by Nato chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen in
his increasingly bellicose statements.
Indeed, a huge joint
exercise is planned for this July between Nato and Ukrainian forces. This can
only make an already dangerous situation even worse.
On Tuesday night the Stop
the War Coalition hosted an extraordinarily well-informed public meeting on the
crisis at the Wesley Hotel in Euston, London.
Jonathan Steele, a former
Guardian Moscow correspondent, outlined the situation expertly, noting that
coverage has been dominated by two Hs - hypocrisy and hysteria.
While there were
democratic forces in the Maidan protests motivated by falling living standards
and corruption, there were also far-right nazi groups involved.
The far-right is now
sitting in government in Ukraine.
The origins of the Ukrainian far-right go back to those who welcomed the nazi invasion in 1941 and acted as allies of the invaders.
The origins of the Ukrainian far-right go back to those who welcomed the nazi invasion in 1941 and acted as allies of the invaders.
Stop the War officer and
long-term anti-war activist Carol Turner pointed out that the sanctions against
Russia are confused and controversial, largely targeting individuals, while the
effect on Germany of any broader-reaching economic sanctions would be huge.
And already Gazprom has
increased the price of its exports to Ukraine.
The overall issue is
still one of the activities and expansionism of the post-1990 United States.
Turner referred to
statements made by the US in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse.
In an article in the International Herald Tribune of March 9 1992 Patrick Tyler of the New York Times outlined the new strategy by which US defence secretary Dick Cheney was preparing for expansion - and many future conflicts.
In an article in the International Herald Tribune of March 9 1992 Patrick Tyler of the New York Times outlined the new strategy by which US defence secretary Dick Cheney was preparing for expansion - and many future conflicts.
Tyler wrote that
"the classified document makes the case for a world dominated by one
superpower, whose position can be perpetuated by constructive behaviour and
sufficient military might to deter any nation or group of nations from
challenging US primacy."
The author of this
strategy, Paul Wolfowitz, specifically divested it of any role for the United
Nations, which had been used to provide a mandate for the Gulf war of 1990-91
while the Soviets were preoccupied with their state falling apart.
The plan was never to
remove nuclear strike aircraft from Europe or reduce the role of Nato, despite
the end of the Warsaw Pact.
"We must seek to
prevent the emergence of European-only security arrangements which would
undermine Nato," Wolfowitz warned.
Wolfowitz wanted to make
arrangements in eastern Europe similar to those in the Gulf, where Saudi Arabia
had been armed as an ally for regional wars.
Now it is acting as a US ally in the Syrian conflict.
Now it is acting as a US ally in the Syrian conflict.
On Ukraine, I would not
condone Russian behaviour or expansion.
But it is not unprovoked, and the right of people to seek a federal structure or independence should not be denied.
But it is not unprovoked, and the right of people to seek a federal structure or independence should not be denied.
And there are huge
questions around the West's intentions in Ukraine.
The obsession with cold
war politics that exercises the Nato and EU leaderships is fuelling the crisis
and underlines the case for a whole new approach to foreign policy.
We have allowed Nato to
act outside its own area since the Afghan war started.
The Lisbon Treaty binds the EU and Nato together in a mutual alliance of interference and domination reaching ever eastwards.
The Lisbon Treaty binds the EU and Nato together in a mutual alliance of interference and domination reaching ever eastwards.
The long-term effect of
the behaviour of US Secretary of State John Kerry, backed by the EU and the
British government, is to divide the world.
An ever-growing and more confident Russia-China bloc will increasingly rival Nato and the EU, meaning a new cold war beckons.
An ever-growing and more confident Russia-China bloc will increasingly rival Nato and the EU, meaning a new cold war beckons.
Would it not be better if
when the four powers sit down together they looked at agreeing on a neutral,
nuclear-free Ukraine, the possibility of de-escalating the crisis and cut out
the hypocrisy of feigned moral outrage from a country that has invaded many
others, has military bases scattered worldwide and whose arms industry has made
billions from the death and destruction of so much life in Afghanistan and
Iraq.
Peace campaigners in
Britain need to look at the dangers of the mutual defence agreement with the US
and the way it ties us into all their strategies.
We also need to look at the role of Nato overall.
We also need to look at the role of Nato overall.
The Nato summit due in
Newport, Wales, in September is a good opportunity for us to express our
opposition to the strange notion that expanding a nuclear alliance east makes
us safer.
It does not.
It makes the whole world infinitely more dangerous.
It makes the whole world infinitely more dangerous.
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