This article of mine appears in the London Progressive Journal:
Labour’s disastrous showing at
Eastleigh is a self-inflicted wound. Nationally, that party has long enjoyed a
commanding poll lead. Last year, Labour won council seats in Southern villages
that it had not even contested since the 1970s, if ever. But Labour came third
or below in 211 constituencies in 2010, mostly places where it always does, and
in most of those pretty distantly.
Imagine a formation which was
fully aware that someone needed to keep Labour on track or else stand ready to
replace it. Properly organised and sufficiently funded, such a formation could
expect to win in 2015 about one third of those seats, i.e., around 70. That
would be enough to make a very significant difference, even to hold the balance
of power in a hung Parliament. But it could only happen if the unions stumped
up the cash, and if Labour stood aside in that formation’s favour.
That formation could and
should also fill a very British gap, for a party anchoring the Left while co-ordinating
broad-based and inclusive campaigns for human rights and civil liberties, for
peace, for environmental responsibility, and for the defence and extension of
jobs, services and amenities.
For example, Saturday 22nd
June will see the People’s Assembly Against Austerity, at the Central Hall,
Westminster, from 9:30am to 5pm, with Tony Benn and Owen Jones. But the
anti-war movement of a decade ago never capitalised on the extent to which it
reached deep into Tory Britain with its profoundly conservative message of
foreign policy realism. The SWP was allowed to make the running, to exactly as
much effect as one might have expected. Today, the anti-cuts movement has the
potential to reach deep into Tory Britain with its profoundly conservative
message of using State power in order to protect organic communities against
the ravages of unbridled capital.
That potential is more than
apparent from the 16 councillors who are committee members of SPARSE, the
network of rural councils fighting the cuts and seriously considering a
judicial review of Eric Pickles. Four are Independents, one is Labour, and the
other 11 are Tories. It says it all that there is not a single, solitary Lib
Dem. It really would be quite a coup if one of those 11, most obviously
Councillor Roger Begy of Rutland who chairs it, were to be a platform speaker
at the People’s Assembly.
The Eton College George Orwell
Society famously sent three delegates to the People’s Assembly Against The War.
10 years on, during which Eton has become big political news, it would be quite
another coup to have their successors at the People's Assembly Against
Austerity. But it would be even more of one if an Eton boy, an 18-year-old
voter so that no one could question it, were to speak from that Assembly’s
platform. At 28, even Owen Jones is too old to be the Golden Boy.
Labour is reverting to its
historical norm as the voice and vehicle of a many-rooted social democratic
patriotism in all directions, exemplified by Angela Eagle on Question Time from Eastleigh, when in
one breath she decried both the EU and the City of London, both of which are
among the affronts to the sovereignty of the United Kingdom and of its
Parliament. Labour is reverting to its historical norm as inclusive of social
and cultural conservatives as well as social and cultural liberals. Inclusive of
rural as well as urban and suburban voices. Inclusive of provincial as well as
metropolitan contributions. Inclusive of religious as well as secular insights.
But Labour still needs a
friendly critic and a critical friend.
For example Danny Stupple, you were right about him coming top of the rest. But this could have been a Labour Gain if the Blair flame keepers had not been allowed to get away with running some London media hanger on because "that's what people in the south want."
ReplyDeleteYou will have seen this morning's letter in the Guardian pointing out how it is just not true that no one in the south outside London ever did vote Labour, the southern working class became Liberal in 1974 and has never gone back because London remains exclusively northern and metropolitan.
Labour MPs opposed electoral reform because they have ceded the south to the Tories in return for safe seats in the north. Fact that southern workers' shift to Liberals goes all the way back to 1974 and has never changed back means that it was nothing to do with rise of the "loony left," and means Tony Blair did nothing to alter it.
Why did anyone expect that someone who like a lot of people was both a Loony and a Blairite in successive decades would be attractive to such voters?
In response to the comment, I fail to see how having a party that appeals to the Northern working-class excludes the possibility of appeal to the Southern working-class.
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