This article of mine appears in the London Progressive Journal:
Viewers of Ken Loach’s The Spirit of ’45
are shocked to see Winston Churchill being booed and heckled during the 1945
General Election campaign. They ought not to be remotely surprised.
In the 1930s, there were two British threats to
constitutionality and, via Britain’s role in the world, to international
stability. One came from an unreliable, opportunistic, highly affected and
contrived, anti-Semitic, white supremacist, Eurofederalist demagogue who
admired Mussolini, heaped praise on Hitler, had no need to work for a living,
had an overwhelming sense of his own entitlement, profoundly hated democracy,
and had a callous disregard for the lives of the lower orders and the lesser
breeds. So did the other one. Far more than background united Churchill and
Mosley, originator in English of the currently modish concept of a Union of the
Mediterranean.
In Great Contemporaries, published in
1937, two years after he had called Hitler’s achievements “among the most
remarkable in the whole history of the world”, Churchill wrote that: “Those who
have met Herr Hitler face to face in public business or on social terms have
found a highly competent, cool, well-informed functionary with an agreeable
manner, a disarming smile, and few have been unaffected by a subtle personal
magnetism.” That passage was not removed from the book’s reprint in 1941. In
May 1940, Churchill had been all ready to give Gibraltar, Malta, Suez,
Somaliland, Kenya and Uganda to Mussolini, whom he had called “the greatest
living legislator”.
All sorts of things about Churchill are simply
ignored. Gallipoli. The miners. The Suffragettes. The refusal to bomb the
railway lines to Auschwitz. His dishonest and self-serving memoirs. The truth
about the catastrophic humiliation at Dunkirk. The other one, at Singapore,
which as much as anything else has been an inspiration to the vociferous
anti-monarchist minority in Australia ever since: “Why should we bother with
them after that?” The Lancastria. The men left behind in France.
Both the fact and the sheer scale of his 1945
defeat while the War in the Far East was still going on, when Labour won half
of his newly divided seat, and an Independent did very well in the other half
after Labour and the Liberals had disgracefully refused to field candidates
against him. His deselection by his local Conservative Association just before
he died. And not least, his carve-up of Eastern Europe with Stalin, so very
reminiscent of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. He borrowed the phrase “the Iron
Curtain” from Goebbels and used it to mean exactly what Goebbels had meant by
it. In reality, the Soviet Union that had been broken by the War had neither
the means nor the will to invade Western Europe, still less to cross either the
Atlantic or the Pacific.
But the electorate was under no illusions while
he was still alive. His image was booed and hissed when it appeared on
newsreels. He led the Conservative Party into three General Elections, he lost
the first two of them – the first, I say again, while the War was still going
on – and he only returned to office on the third occasion with the support of
the National Liberals, having lost the popular vote. In the course of that
Parliament, he had to be removed by his own party. It went on to win
comfortably the subsequent General Election, just as it was to do in 1992 after
it had removed Thatcher.
And we have not forgotten the truth about him in
the old mining areas. Nor have they in the places that he signed away to
Stalin, including the country for whose freedom the War was fought, making it a
failure in its own terms. We condemn genocidal terrorism against Slavs and
Balts no less than genocidal terrorism against Arabs, or the blowing up of
British Jews going about their business as civil servants, or the photographed
hanging of teenage British conscripts with barbed wire. Churchill’s Zionism was
precisely that of the BNP, seeing the Jews as not really British, and therefore
wishing to transport them to Palestine. On this, if on nothing else, Nick
Griffin is right: if Churchill were alive today, then he would be in the BNP.
It would be welcome to him.
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