Scott McConnell writes:
What is there to add to the extremely rich vein of
commentary elicited by Ted Cruz’s shameless Israel lobby pandering at a
Washington forum intended to call attention to the plight of Mideast Christians
in the age of ISIS?
The pieces by Ross Douthat, Michael Brendan Dougherty, and the several posts by Rod Dreher say a great deal of what needs to be said, making many points I would likely never have thought of.
The pieces by Ross Douthat, Michael Brendan Dougherty, and the several posts by Rod Dreher say a great deal of what needs to be said, making many points I would likely never have thought of.
One takeaway from the controversy, which continues to
reverberate around the conservative blogosphere, is how many socially
conservative/Christian/Republican-leaning thinkers have sensed, perhaps for the
first time in their relatively young careers, how morally flawed is the entire
Christian Zionist/McCainist/Commentary/Washington Free Beacon/Likudnik
group, whose views have long driven “mainstream” conservative foreign-policy
opinion in Congress and the GOP presidential primaries.
I think this may grow
into an important schism on the right, one that weakens neoconservatism, to the
Republican Party’s long-term benefit.
I don’t want to ascribe views to people
who don’t necessarily have them, but when I see young conservatives reacting
viscerally against the tweets from the Breitbart site and other movement
conservatives, tweets putting scare quotes around the word “Christian” in order
to denigrate the Mideast patriarchs and bishops and other figures who attended
the gathering, attacking them because they failed some sort of “stand with
Israel” litmus test, it feels like a kind of Kronstadt moment.
This sentiment also comes when I see the
disgust felt when Weekly Standard editor Lee
Smith implies that
Mideast Christians are simply a kind of ISIS lite.
I witnessed personally a
comparable repulsion a year or so ago, when an old friend, long a prudently
neocon-friendly author and Wall
Street Journal writer, reacted to the smearing of Chuck
Hagel by the same
group.
It’s as if the Israel lobby has grown so accustomed to the deference
accorded it by everyone else in the American political system, it has lost any
sense of its own limits.
Still there are other points to be made.
Several of
Cruz’s critics responded as if the Mideast Christians who came to the gathering
deserved a sort of indulgent understanding for their lack of enthusiasm for
Cruz’s admonition that Israel is their greatest friend.
It was sometimes noted
as historical fact that most Palestinian Christians live under Israeli
occupation, and that others were ethnically cleansed by Israel in 1948; that
the Lebanese Christians had once been Israel’s allies, which had not worked out
well for them: in other words, all these groups had understandable excuses for
their chilliness towards Israel.
These Christians are, according to this
discourse, genuinely vulnerable—they can be forgiven for not loving Israel. But
this argument—and there are elements of it in most of the conservative pieces
which chastized Cruz—scants the fact that Israel’s continuing occupation of
Palestine is also opposed, often quite publicly and with increasing energy, by
ever growing numbers of non-Mideast Christians.
I wonder if Cruz would similarly walk out and denounce
Pope Francis as an anti-Semite, considering the new Pope visited the Holy Land
and expressed his wishes for dignity and freedom for both Israelis and
Palestinians and said a prayer outside the Israeli wall that severs Bethlehem
from neighboring Jerusalem and has largely rendered the town of Jesus’s birth a
walled off ghetto.
(The Israeli right went into conniptions about the Pope’s
visit, with the incomparable Caroline Glick accusing the Pope of licensing
“Holocaust denial” by his prayer at the Bethlehem separation wall.)
If
there is an argument that the Pope, with his stand in support of peace and
dignity for both peoples in the Holy Land, is some kind of outlier among
Catholics, I have not yet heard it.
Then there are the Presbyterians, who last summer voted
to divest from several American companies profiting from the Israeli
occupation, and the United Methodists, who nearly did so two summers before and
are edging towards a successful divestment vote in good time.
These are
mainstream and mainline American Protestants, not the historic peace churches.
Lutheran World Service runs a hospital in Jerusalem, designed to serve
Palestinians from Gaza and the West Bank, that is engaged in a constant tension
with the Israeli authorities who want to isolate it from the population it is
meant to serve.
One could go on: consideration of the European or South
American churches would hardly alter this analysis.
Simply put, the Mideast Christians who gathered in D.C.
to express their fears and ask for support when threatened by an inflamed
Muslim fundamentalism are—in their nuanced attitudes toward Israel—far more
representative of Christian opinion as a whole than is the belligerent
Christian Zionism expressed by Ted Cruz.
Finally, I see that one avenue of response to Rod Dreher
in Commentary is to tar him with association with
the views of other TAC writers, including yours truly, who
are accused of “clear anti-Israel bias.”
I
probably should resist taking this as an invitation to respond, but I won’t,
and my guess is that Rod, who is surely less cool towards present day Israel than
I am, might welcome some clarification from his colleagues.
Generally my own view of Israel and Palestine is summed
up (more pithily than I would be capable of) by Bradley Burston in a recent Haaretz piece:
If somebody tells me that Israel alone should keep
the West Bank and East Jerusalem forever because God said so—or even “Just
because it’s ours”—my feeling is: This is this person’s honest belief. I don’t
share it, by any means. But I respect it as true faith, without an effort to
whitewash, misdirect, or misrepresent.
I feel the same way about the opposite side. When
someone, usually someone Jewish, says that in their view, there should be no
State of Israel because it’s an illegitimate, militarized ethnocracy, I
appreciate their candor in spelling out what they want to see, and I respect as
an expression of true conviction their telling me what they want to see
politically or otherwise euthanized. Even if it’s me.
In that spirit, I make no special claims for my desire to
see—and my perhaps messianic belief in the possibility of—partition of the Holy
Land into two independent states: Israel and Palestine.
Burston uses these words as a prelude to exposing the
dishonesty in a recent piece by Elliot Abrams that attempts to whitewash
Israeli settlement building.
But his overall perspective is one I share: that
is, I believe in the two-state solution as the most likely way to deliver peace
and dignity to Israelis and Palestinians.
I am not sure how I would have felt
in 1947 and 1948, but I suppose there is good chance I would have believed as
Truman did, that establishing a Jewish state in Palestine would be the source
of unending religiously-based strife.
He hoped for some kind of non-faith-based
federation that might accommodate Jewish refugees and the Palestinian Arabs
then living there. I might also have agreed with George Marshall and other
members of the American diplomatic establishment who opposed American support for
the creation of Israel for strategic reasons.
Truman eventually threw up his
hands and let domestic politics trump his ethical and strategic concerns, which
he in any event had no plausible way to forge into policy.
The American diplomats who feared the consequences
flowing from the establishment of Israel have been proved partly right, partly
wrong.
At this point, that’s water under the bridge: the question is how to
seek the greatest measure of peace and justice now and in the future.
In the past 20 years, I have had to recognize that the
possibility of a two-state solution has receded dramatically—from, I would
estimate, probably more than 60 percent to less than 20 percent.
For this I
hold successive Israeli governments far more responsible than the Palestinians.
The
latter have revised the PLO charter to recognize Israel, and most of their
leaders have told their people and behaved as if they they wanted to build a
Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza.
The major Arab countries formally put
forth a peace initiative in 2002, reaffirmed five years later, offering Israel
full diplomatic recognition in return for giving up the occupied territories.
For their efforts, and for America’s long-term diplomatic campaign to cajole
the Palestinians into accepting a small state on the 22 percent remainder of
historic Palestine, Israel has responded by building settlements and more
settlements on the remaining land, slicing it up in non-contiguous cantons,
divided by military checkpoints, armed settlements, and Israeli-only roads.
In
the process Israelis have elected a right-wing government formally pledged to
deny Palestinans a state on the West Bank. In other words occupation now,
occupation tomorrow, occupation forever—that is Israel’s current policy.
At the
same time, Israel has ignored, refused even to acknowledge, the Arab peace
initiative, refused even to discuss it.
Have these developments over the past
20 years influenced my opinion of Israel? Of course they have.
Have they
changed my sense of the two-state solution? Well, it certainly seems unlikely,
but I’m not sure of a better answer.
There’s another, more self-interested, part of my overall
view.
As someone concerned with foreign policy, I cannot help but note that
Israel’s self-proclaimed friends in America, and often Israeli officials
themselves, play a very large role in lobbying for American to fight wars in
the Middle East.
They did so in Iraq—after 9/11, Israeli officials flooded the
American media talking about the necessity of destroying the government of
Iraq, complementing the efforts of their friends at Commentary and The
Weekly Standard.
They got their wish, as they often do—and the destruction
of Iraq played no small role stirring up the potentially genocidal crisis
Mideast Christians face today.
And now the Israelis are doing it again, trying
to foment an American war with Iran.
I understand that Israel feels it to be in
its own national interest to have a regional monopoly on nuclear weapons. But I
don’t think it’s an American national interest to fight continuous wars to
maintain Israel’s monopoly.
So this too makes me less warm towards Israel than
I was 20 or 30 years ago.
Of course there are many kinds of Israelis. I’ve taken
two trips to Israel and have met quite a few—liberal Zionists is probably the
most accurate term—who are actively striving towards a just peace with the
Palestinians and believe in an Israel in which the country is fully integrated,
peacefully, into its region.
They are, regrettably, a minority in Israel now,
and perhaps they never had much influence.
But for me they represent an
extremely attractive side of Zionism—sophisticated, broad-minded, non-bigoted
people, often possessed of extraordinary courage, energy, and talents.
When I
think of being supportive of Israel, they are people I would happily support,
and I do and will continue to do.
Others are free to their opinions whether this view
constitutes “bias” against Israel or makes me an “anti-Zionist.”
It is
certainly based on on far more reading, knowledge, and personal experience with
the Mideast than went into the presumably “unbiased” view I held 20 or more
years ago, when I was a neoconservative in good standing and a fairly regular
contributor to Commentary.
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