Friday, 31 October 2025

Lux, Salubritas, Felicitas?

Yet again, Jaywick is the most deprived place in England. It is in Clacton, where the MP is Nigel Farage. Well, of course. The base of Reform UK and all points populist-right is benefit dependent, chronically sick, and with the criminal records to which we autists and dissidents are prone even if there is absolutely no evidence against us, because, as our persecutors understand, "The jury just won't like you."

Farage and Reform may not have wanted or expected that base, but it is what they have got, to no surprise on many of our parts. Rupert Lowe and Ben Habib could not stand that, even if Habib does seem to be courting it again. So Farage exchanged them for the scores of seats where, if that were one pile, then it would be the largest in 2029.

It Stays In Your Blood

From 27:45, Malala Yousafzai describes how trying cannabis brought on flashbacks to her attack by the Taliban. It is also set out here. Meanwhile, although I am no defender of the Online Safety Act in general, Pornhub says that its traffic from this country has fallen by 77 per cent since July’s introduction of the age verification that I always used to be told was impossible. While there is plenty to distrust about the State, there cannot be a “free” market in general, but not in drugs, or prostitution, or pornography, or unrestricted alcohol, or unrestricted gambling. That is an important part of why there must not be a “free” market in general, which is a political choice, not a law of nature.

Unlike the Conservative Party, which merely thinks that it is and acts as if it were, the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are constitutionally committed to the “free” market. Yet enacting and enforcing laws against drugs, prostitution and pornography, and regulating alcohol, tobacco and gambling, are clear examples of State intervention in, and regulation of, the economy. Radical change would be impossible if the workers, the youth and the poor were in a state of stupefaction, and that baleful situation, which has been contrived in the past, is being contrived again today, both by means of drugs, and specifically among young males by means of pornography.

In Ukraine, at the same time as they tore down statues of Alexander Pushkin, and renamed streets that had been named after him, they legalised pornography to help pay for the war. Even before then, some people had already been taking payment to strip on camera via a “charity project” called Teronlyfans, to fund the Armed Forces. Pornography had been legally prohibited and practically unknown in the Soviet Union, but post-Soviet Russia was flooded with it by and from the West in order to placate the young male population during the larceny of their country by means of the economic “shock therapy” that created today’s oligarchs. The rest is history. That tactic was not new. “Sex work” of various kinds has always been encouraged when the young men have needed to be stupefied, and it still is. The corporate capitalist pornogrification of our own society is no accident.

Heir Presumptive?

Tonight, YouGov has the former Prince Andrew only one point more popular than Keir Starmer. Yes, Andrew is as disliked as that. Banishing him to Norfolk on Alan Partridge night is why Charles is King. But how is Andrew a mere Mister? As the younger son of a Duke, how is he not Lord Andrew Mountbatten Windsor? Is it something to do with the hyphen? At 11am on 11 November, restore Prince Ernst August of Hanover as Duke of Cumberland and Teviotdale, and Earl of Armagh, and restore Prince Hubertus of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha as Duke of Albany, Earl of Clarence, and Baron Arklow.

Although he has lost his close protection, his cancer-stricken brother will be 77 in a fortnight's time, and the next King cannot stand him, Andrew has never been convicted, nor even charged, nor even so much as arrested. As was not the case four years ago, between 60 and 80 per cent of men in prison are now there for having failed to curtsy deeply enough to a woman. We may yet find out whether that could be pulled off even from beyond a grave on the other side of the world.

In the meantime, at least, Andrew enjoys the presumption of innocence. As, whether any of us may like it or not, does the acquitted Ricky Jones, does the acquitted Soldier F, and do the three Just Stop Oil activists who have been acquitted of causing a public nuisance at Stonehenge. It may stick in the craw that there will be no public inquiry into the Birmingham pub bombings, but that may be the price of no further prosecutions such as that of Soldier F, and vice versa.

Notwithstanding The Fact?

Myself, a prince by fortune of my birth,
Near to the king in blood, and near in love
Till you did make him misinterpret me,
Have stoop'd my neck under your injuries,
And sigh'd my English breath in foreign clouds,
Eating the bitter bread of banishment;
Whilst you have fed upon my signories,
Dispark'd my parks and fell'd my forest woods,
From my own windows torn my household coat,
Razed out my imprese, leaving me no sign,
Save men's opinions and my living blood,
To show the world I am a gentleman.

Now that there is a vacancy for the position of Prince Andrew, then it should be filled by Andrew Parker Bowles. Note that, as in Newcastle upon Tyne, there is no hyphen in Parker Bowles. Nor in Andrew Mountbatten Windsor. Yet his niece and nephew are Mountbatten-Windsor, although they would be entitled to use Her and His Royal Highness, Princess and Prince, as is more than can any longer be said for their uncle. They should avail themselves of their Styles and Titles.

Prince Archie and Princess Lilibet were also Mountbatten-Windsor before, oh, something or other about those parents of theirs, although the Princess, born in the United States, will long have been going by Lily Markle when she welcomed her first cousin, King George VII, to the White House for the Tercentenary in 2076. Elizabeth II made Mountbatten-Windsor the surname of her descendants in need of one. Although Princess Anne used Mountbatten-Windsor to sign the register at her first wedding, her brother seems to have been given Mountbatten almost as a middle name in honour of distant relatives, as if that were the extent of his connection to Prince Philip.

The former King Juan Carlos II of Spain, a third cousin of Elizabeth II, has long been resident in Abu Dhabi with his wife, a first cousin once removed of the late of Duke of Edinburgh. Andrew also has a bolthole there, so the House of Nahyan might cannily insist that if it were to let him move in permanently, then it would be permitted to acquire the Daily Telegraph. Andrew would be forewarned that, as Marcus Fakana discovered, the age of consent in the United Arab Emirates was 18.

By contrast, if Andrew really did have sex with the 17-year-old Victoria Roberts either in London or in New York, then he did not break the law. The accusation even of that seedy but lawful conduct comes from a single individual who is dead, and who was thoroughly unreliable when she was alive. Yes, she did also accuse him of certain undeniably criminal acts. But only she has ever done so, and he has never been convicted. He has never been charged. He has never been arrested. Cardinal Pell's accusers tried to argue, and for a time succeeded in doing so, that their drug addictions, schizophrenia, and so forth somehow made them more rather than less credible. But that did not survive contact with the appellate process. Andrew's mother should not have paid off his accuser, who would have been destroyed in court.

That is what this is about. Money. Andrew's financial arrangements were coming under scrutiny, and they were not looking good in the sunlight. The only connection to Virginia Giuffre was that that scrutiny had followed, almost accidentally, from Andrew's having been shown to have lied about when he had broken off contact with Jeffrey Epstein. But Tony Blair met Epstein as Prime Minister. Blair, Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer have all had Epstein's closest friend as the de facto Deputy Prime Minister; Peter Mandelson is still listed on page 110 of the Roll of the Peerage. Even while he was still Prince Andrew, that man had to give up his Garter, so what about Blair's?

And what are we to make of, "These censures are deemed necessary, notwithstanding the fact that he continues to deny the allegations against him"? When, 70 years ago today, Princess Margaret let it "be known that I have decided not to marry Group Captain Peter Townsend," then Philip Larkin wrote to Monica Jones that he had assumed that any announcement would have been an engagement, "since you couldn't announce nothing. Well, apparently you can." You can't censure nothing, can you? Well, apparently you can.

Thursday, 30 October 2025

To Rectify The Position?

Rachel Reeves campaigned successfully for the extension of the selective landlord licensing policy in and to her constituency of Leeds West and Pudsey. Yesterday, she said that she had not realised that she had needed such a licence to let out her house in Dulwich. Yet today, she produced emails proving she did know that, and blaming the estate agent for not having applied for it. This evening, the same emails showed that a licence cost £900, which Reeves had not paid.

Under the Renters' Rights Act, she could not summarily evict her tenants, meaning that her resignation or dismissal as Chancellor of the Exchequer would render her homeless. She and her husband, whose position as a very senior civil servant seems a little off, should be made to move in with the former Prince Andrew and the eternal Sarah Ferguson, as the reality television series to end them all.

Formerly Known As Prince

Thou hast committed—
Fornication: but that was in another country,
And besides, the wench is dead.

Michael Tracey tears to shreds the credibility of Virginia Giuffre, but the then Prince Andrew lied about when his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein had ended, and the ensuing brouhaha had begun to bring out the questionable nature of his financial arrangements. Hence his reduction to a name that was not even that of the Royal House; I strongly suspect that the King decided against Mountbatten-Windsor to keep Canada sweet. That reduction is to be effected by the supreme humiliation, Royal Warrants having the approval of David Lammy.

But do read Tracey. I have always said that the late Queen should never have settled with Giuffre, who would have lost in court. Likewise, I disliked Russell Brand when that got me abused hysterically by those of my contemporaries who thought that Blairite politics made them the cool kids, and who have never grown up to this day, even if they have changed their tune on him. While I am sure that I could stand no more than a few seconds in the company of Andrew Tate, I cannot imagine that the United States would allow a white liberal American citizen to be treated as he has been, and I have said from the very start that I would not be surprised if little or nothing ended up coming of this.

See also Cardinal Pell, Julian Assange, Alex Salmond, Ched Evans, and the victims of Freya Heath, whose conviction was merely set aside on a procedural technicality. You need a visa to work in Spain or France these days, and Mason Greenwood secured them to enable him to be loaned to Getafe and then signed to Marseille, so that recording was provenly false. For the second time, in fact, since if it had been genuine, then the Crown Prosecution Service would have proceeded with what would therefore have been an open-and-shut case against him.

This has nothing to do with liking anyone. The beatification will presumably be the occasion of a Papal Visit to Australia, but if possible I shall be in Rome for Cardinal Pell's canonisation. To have kept Assange's work going, then I would have died in his stead. While I am opposed to the marrow of my bones to the political cause to which Salmond devoted his life, I expect that he and I would have got on. But I doubt that Evans or Greenwood and I would find much to talk about. I know that Heath's victims and I would have more than enough for a very heated discussion. I have already said what I thought of Tate and of who Brand used to be, as he himself broadly says these days.

Likewise, and like Jeremy Corbyn, I dislike Hamas with the intensity of one who knows a lot more about it than, say, David "raping babies" Lammy. Lammy is particularly deplorable in his apparent ignorance of or disregard for the demonisation of nonwhite males as sexual predators, as in the cases of Greenwood and possibly Tate, which leads to violence that is not restricted to, but which undoubtedly includes, sexual humiliation such as the United Nations Human Rights Council, in a report that it was also highly critical of Hamas, found to be inflicted on Palestinian men and boys by the Israeli Defence Forces.

The #IBelieveHer case for the genocide of Gaza was a case that several of those who made it had made for every previous neoconservative war, and most of them for at least one. Those of a certain age dusted down the file of lurid allegations that they had deployed against working-class white men during the Satanic panic of the Thatcher years, and which had been levelled, practically word for word, against every designated enemy since. At best, they raised no objection to the same treatment of racialised communities in Britain, who are today's Enemy Within, which is why that status will very soon be enjoyed again by the working class in general and by working-class men in particular, insofar as that has ever ceased to be the case. On course to be Viceroy of Gaza, Tony Blair was Prime Minister when he met Epstein, and all three living Labour Prime Ministers have had Epstein's closest friend as their Svengali. Yet Blair remains a Knight of the Garter. Think on.

YellowBird?

Six years ago, I told you to keep an eye on Sudan. The Wagner Group takes a close interest in the diamonds, gold, uranium, and thus government of that country, which in February 2023 agreed to host a Russian naval base on the Red Sea. Accordingly, an American-backed coup was staged so that the United Arab Emirates could have those resources instead, just as the Emiratis are deemed fit to own P&O, the Port of Southampton, and much of Thames Water.

Yet the Statute Law had to be changed to stop them from buying two small circulation newspapers and a tiny circulation magazine because the writers on those moved in the same social circles as both front benches, although one of those writers has since moved to Dubai, from which she now files her copy. After all, a few months after having been placed under that statutory ban, that country, in which trade unions and political parties were illegal, was declared one of the souls of moderation in the Middle East. Throughout, Britain has armed it while it has armed the Rapid Support Forces, as is now before the International Court of Justice. Via the British-armed RSF, the United Arab Emirs are about to take colonial possession of much of Sudan, in a grand old tradition of Gulf potentates in East Africa. Denial is a river in Sudan. But they must never, ever, ever own the Daily Telegraph?

Telegraph columnists appear to have the answer to every problem. It is a wonder that no Telegraph columnist has ever become Prime Minister. Had that happened, then it could only have ended well, if it would already have ended at all. Having been hooked by the horses, by the hats, and by the horses in hats, then Telegraph readers may expect to continue to be fed comment that seasoned journalists from other English-speaking countries could not tell from The Guardian in blind tests. In my direct experience, that is quite the game in certain parlours. If Telegraph, Guardian and Times readers alike wanted to know what their sages really thought, then they would read the Financial Times and The Economist, in which the Establishment talked to itself on the assumption that no one else was listening.

Could anything have been funnier than that the Telegraph had begged the State for protection from the “free” market? Yes, there was one thing even more amusing than that. A Conservative Government had granted it. By Statute. Someone should have tabled an amendment exempting Israel from that ban, just to force a vote and see what would have happened. And now, the Labour Party that voted for that Bill in Opposition is in government and allowing the offending acquisition to proceed after all. The press must be so free that you needed the Government’s permission to part-own it. If a publication were that important, then it could not possibly be allowed to go bust. We would all have to pick up the tab. You read it here first, as you very often do.

If you thought that there was now a Labour Government, or that a Labour Government was as you imagined, then ask yourself why it would care in the least who owned the Telegraph, which is still always described as “influential”. Influential over whom? But the Emiratis are now considered among the “moderates” in the Middle East. They are undeniably old friends of Britain, whatever that may say.

So the tack has been changed to a Yellow Peril. RedBird Capital Partners is now suddenly somehow Chinese. You know, the China that was actively encouraged to own any British infrastructure that it happened to fancy, and which the Crown Prosecution Service recently conceded in open court was not an enemy within the meaning of the Official Secrets Act, or else both the Government and great tracts of British business would have been guilty of the straightforwardly treasonable act of trading with the enemy. The Times and the Sunday Times have named Durham their University of the Year 2026. When did you last visit Durham? You really should.

Where Is OUR Party?

Your Party are now suing each other. Statements from the Independent Alliance are no longer signed by Zarah Sultana, who should have been told that while she was welcome to be involved, direction would be set by MPs who had not been elected on the Labour ticket, but had in fact already beaten the Labour machine, thereby proving their mettle.

And we who yearned to be able to vote to strengthen families and communities by securing economic equality and international peace through the democratic political control of the means to those ends, including national and parliamentary sovereignty, need to be uncompromising that we would never vote for a party, or for a Leader and thus potential Prime Minister, or for a parliamentary candidate, that was in favour of anti-industrial Malthusianism, or of drug legalisation, or of gender self-identification, or of "sex work", or of the war in Ukraine, or of the monetarist and militarist European Union, or of the false consciousness that was Scottish and Welsh separatism, or of the assisted suicide that Lord Falconer himself now boasted was intended to dispose of people with "learning difficulties or autism".

Like Reform UK voters, many of us, including me, have autism. All of us remember that "school football team and their girlfriends" side of Blairism the first time. I cannot be that unusual in that it once really did try to kill me, so Falconer's murderous intent comes as no surprise. Poshed up to rugby but sometimes affecting football for the media, that sort of thing long ago took over the Conservative Party as well. Like the Liberal Democrats, Reform has a wannabe streak in relation to it, not only, but not negligibly, because they both have wannabe streaks in relation to the Conservatives. But you are not putting us back in a box. Not even, and indeed especially not, if it is a coffin. We demand acceptable parliamentary candidates. And we will have them.

Ethics, Probe

What a ridiculous creature is Rachel Reeves. She presents her time on a bank’s complaints desk as experience as a banker and an economist. She copied and pasted the Wikipedia entries and Guardian obituaries of the subjects of her book, then denied plagiarism by instead defending her actions as a textbook definition of plagiarism. Her time at the Bank of England and at the British Embassy in Washington, she flaunts in an accent that would have precluded her employment by either of them, an accent that only she and her sister have.

And now, this. Angela Rayner was sacked for less. Louise Haigh was sacked for far less, and has still never made a resignation speech to the House of Commons. Nor has Lucy Powell, who, in the context of this Government, was sacked for no apparent reason. What does Reeves know? Nothing about the economy, obviously. But too much about the events in Paul Holden’s The Fraud? Too much about Peter Mandelson and Jeffrey Epstein? To much about Jenny Chapman? Too much about Lord Alli? Too much about the Ukrainian rent boys? What, exactly?

Wednesday, 29 October 2025

The Legacy State?

“We have to build a New State and shut down the Legacy State, with digital ID making people’s experience of that New State fundamentally much better.” While I revile both the horseshoe theory and most comparisons with the Great Dictators, on this occasion Darren Jones has managed to sound like both Benito Mussolini and Mao Zedong.

But with Asda, NatWest, Heathrow, Xbox and Minecraft all down today, as Amazon Web Services was last week, the case against digital ID is making itself. And Jones will miss “the Legacy State” when he loses Bristol North West to the Green Party. Not so Will Lloyd. He is attracting a lot of attention, but it is George Eaton’s New Statesman article that is more notable, following on from Andrew Marr’s last week, and standing alongside Polly Toynbee’s in The Guardian. The line is that Wes Streeting is moving left in order to take on Reform UK. No evidence for that is presented, since none exists. Do they want Streeting to replace Keir Starmer? Do they think that he will, meaning that they need to keep in with him? Both. Of course.

Lloyd’s piece will change no one’s mind. The threat to the monarchy was always going to come from the Right, although I had always assumed that that would be because it was blindingly incompatible with Thatcherite meritocracy. As it is, though, note what those Raising the Colours, no beneficiaries of Thatcherism unless one reasonably counted lifelong and intergenerational benefit dependency, were saying online about the King, and note what they were not saying, for God to save him or for him to live long, either there or on the streets. Of course Queen Elizabeth II was a Remainer, just as of course the King is a Green at least in a nonpartisan sense; he and his asylum-seeking father practically invented it. Like Green Parties from the Bundestag to the House of Commons, the King is a supporter of the war in Ukraine.

The political neutrality of the monarchy is like the impartiality of the BBC. When, exactly, has there ever been any such thing? The monarchy keeps sweet a lot of people who need to be kept sweet. But I am entirely at a loss as to why it has that effect on them. Either Elizabeth II or her equally revered father signed off on every nationalisation, every aspect of the Welfare State, every retreat from Empire, every loosening of Commonwealth ties, every social liberalisation, every constitutional change, and every European Union treaty. Charles III will sign off on assisted suicide and on decriminalised abortion up to birth, and would have signed off on gender self-identification, as he may yet.

If they could not have done otherwise, then why bother having a monarchy? What is it for? I support public ownership and the Welfare State in principle, even if the practice has often fallen short. The same may be said of decolonisation, as a matter of historical interest. I find some social liberalisations and some constitutional changes a cause for joy, and others a cause for horror. I abhor the EU, and the weakening of the Commonwealth. But this is not about me.

Is it the job of a monarch, if not to acquire territory and subjects, then at least to hold them? If so, then George VI was by far the worst ever British monarch, and quite possibly the worst monarch that the world has ever seen, with his daughter in second place. And is it the job of a British monarch to maintain a Protestant society and culture in the United Kingdom? If so, then no predecessor ever began to approach the abject failure of Elizabeth II, a failure so complete that no successor will ever be able to equal it. And for all her undoubted personal piety, I am utterly baffled by the cult of that Queen among Evangelical Protestants and among those who cleaved to a more-or-less 1950s vision of Anglicanism, Presbyterianism or Methodism. What did she ever do for them? What has the monarchy ever done for them?

During the last reign, Britain became history’s most secular country, and the White British became history’s most secular ethnic group, a trend that has been even more marked among those with Protestant backgrounds than it has been among us Catholics. The next monarch is not a regular churchgoer, meaning that the one after that is not being brought up as one. “We have no King but King Jesus,” proclaimed the Covenanters of 1638, and another King Charles’s prayer with the Pope has at least implicitly caused the Free Presbyterian Church of Ulster to hoist again the Blue Banner, “For Christ’s Crown and Covenant”, from Kyle Paisley’s ministerial charge in old Puritan East Anglia.

This has implications for the Windrush debate, and with eight Commonwealth Realms in or on the Caribbean, a fat lot of good being the Queen’s loyal subject did anyone there; Barbados, proportionately the most Anglican country in the world, became a republic in 2021. It also has implications for aspects of the debate around Brexit. If you wanted to preserve and restore a Christian culture in this country, then you would welcome mass immigration from the Caribbean, from Africa, from Latin America, and from Eastern Europe.

Speaking of immigration, the Royal Family would agree with NHS England that cousin marriage, not least where one party was an immigrant, had “benefits” that included “stronger extended family support systems and economic advantages”. Queen Victoria and the immigrant Prince Albert were first cousins. By descent from that marriage, the King’s parents were third cousins, while they were also second cousins once removed through a different line, and Prince Philip was not only an immigrant, but an asylum-seeker who took refuge in Britain because he had relatives here, one of whom he married. Britain intervened militarily in his native land to restore his family to the Throne. Talk about bringing their troubles to our door.

On balance, I would not abolish the monarchy. The arguments for the monarchy are rubbish in their own terms, but so are the arguments for a republic, meaning that the case for change has not been made. Which republic is classless, and free of corruption? France? Germany? Italy? India? Ireland? The United States? Where? A Presidential Election would be a choice between the next Bullingdon Club member in line and someone who had casually given a trifling £50,000 to the most recently successful candidate for the Leadership of the Labour Party. No one else would even make it onto the ballot paper, and I would not want either of those as my Head of State. There would have to be a nomination process. Candidates would certainly require nomination by one tenth of the House of Commons, 65 MPs, and very probably by one fifth of that House, 130 MPs. Even in the first instance, in the wildly unlikely event of more than two candidates, then the House would whittle them down to the two who would then be presented to the electorate. Almost certainly, only two parties are ever going to have 65 MPs. Certainly, only two are ever going to have 130. In practice, they would probably arrange to alternate the Presidency between them.

Nor would I abolish the Royal Prerogative. Rather, I want it to be exercised by a Prime Minister who aspired to strengthen families and communities through economic equality and international peace. But the monarchy, and with it the exercise of the Royal Prerogative by persons who most certainly did not share those aspirations, does not depend on the support of people like me. It depends on the support of people who, as long as the monarchy were simply there, have been prepared to overlook the fact that hardly anything that they really wanted ever happened, while all sorts of things that they did not want did happen, no matter who was in government.

The Order of the Garter is entirely in the gift of the monarch, so the then Queen alone chose to confer it on Tony Blair. Prince Andrew chose to move in the circles of Jeffrey Epstein, of Robert Maxwell’s daughter, of Peter Mandelson, and of the Clintons. It is the Anglo-American liberal elite, the right wings of the Labour and Democratic Parties, that are the Royal Family’s sort of people, even if they would never stoop to voting for those parties. Culturally, no one is more Tory than a liberal Tory; politically, no one is more liberal. The people on whose support the monarchy depended have chosen to ignore the fact that that was what their heroes must have been, and openly were. But we may be living through the end of all of that.

Back In The Day?

Born in 1967, Lee Anderson barely remembers the Invacar, although I am 10 years younger and even I know that that was what the "blue three-wheeler" was called. He sounded like Cyril Smith, a Labour councillor who, on seeing cars outside council houses, went back to the Liberals, whose Chief Whip in the House of Commons he later became. 

As recently as 2018, Anderson was also a Labour councillor. He would have become a Labour MP and probably a Government Whip if Jeremy Corbyn had never become Leader. Now that Corbyn is no longer Leader, then who and what are becoming Labour councillors, Labour MPs, Labour Whips, and more? Then again, who ever did become a Labour Whip? Under Peter Kyle's and Anna Turley's political patroness, the Whips' Office included Ivor Caplin, Phil Woolas and Dan Norris. Norris's proxy vote is still cast by the Whips.

The cost of leasing your Motability vehicle is deducted from your PIP. Without Motability, far fewer physically disabled people would be able to work. PIP is an in-work benefit. You do not get it for having a specific condition, but for how your conditions affect your life. You most certainly cannot self-certify onto it. You may have ADHD, or anxiety, or tennis elbow, or a food intolerance, or whatever, while also on Motability, but those cannot be grounds for being so.

PIP puts money in the hands of the people who spend it and thus stimulates our consumer economy, as sickness and disability benefits in general do, as the triple lock does, and as the lifting of the two-child benefit cap would, all while declaring the social and cultural value of the direct beneficiaries. Motability buys, and then owns, one in five new cars purchased in this country, which also translates into a lot of people's jobs. Reform UK might usefully have called for Motability to buy only vehicles that had been manufactured in the United Kingdom.

Unfair Dismissal?

There has never been an extension of workers' rights against which those who were still arguing against even what remained of the Employment Rights Bill have not done so. But it is without the proposed new rights that productivity is to be downgraded again, apparently leaving Rachel Reeves with "a £20 billion black hole".

Yet the annual tax take is more than one trillion pounds. £20 billion would not be a "black hole". That is just an excuse not to do things, although while putting up taxes at the same time. And which taxes? A tax of one to two per cent on assets above £10 million could abolish the two-child benefit cap 17 times over, while merely taxing each of Britain's 173 billionaires down to one billion pounds per head would raise £1.1 trillion, an entire year's tax take. But neither of those is going to happen. Keir Starmer thinks that if anything could be done about child poverty, then it would have been done by now. He has said that.

We ought to be raising Cain and making hay. 10 years ago, ten, the people behind the shambolic birth and infancy of Your Party defeated the entire British Establishment to take Jeremy Corbyn from nowhere to the Leadership of the Labour Party. A year later, they got him re-elected with more votes than before. A year after that, they secured for the party that he led 40 per cent of the vote in a General Election, depriving the Conservatives of their overall majority. Today, the Labour and Conservative Parties do not poll at 40 per cent between them. Food inflation is out of control, as is fuel inflation as we enter the winter. The water companies are permitted to charge whatever they pleased to endanger public health. Yet a decade after the organisational rules of British politics were rewritten, the people who achieved that could not turn on one of those privatised taps and run a bath.

Tuesday, 28 October 2025

With State Protection, Banks Abuse People


The scandal-ridden banking sector is the darling of successive governments who shower subsidies, gifts and favours upon the industry in the hope that it will deliver economic renaissance. It never has.

Finance is central to the workings of a capitalist economy. We all make use of banks, debit/credit cards, insurances, pensions; foreign exchange and a variety of financial services, but can do without the incessant speculation and frauds that are so common in the finance industry. The banking industry is privately owned but dependent upon the state. It is dominated by a few banks. Competition is minimal. Banks are quick to increase mortgage and lending costs, slow to increase interest to savers and with focus on the short-term returns even slower in aiding economic recovery. This assumed citadel of free markets inflicts financial crisis, recessions and relies upon the state for business and survival.

In sharp contrast to manufacturing, family-owned business or SMEs, the visible hand of the state has been used to bend almost every law to support banks. The state has boosted the number of bank customers by requiring that social security payments and state pension be paid into bank accounts. It acts as a lender of the last resort to ensure that the banking system has sufficient liquidity. It guarantees security of bank deposits of up to £85,000 per person, per bank, through the Financial Services Compensation Scheme. In times of higher rates of inflation, the state hikes the interest rates, effectively forcing people to hand over a larger proportion of wealth to banks, which boosts their profits. The state guarantees bank profits through the Private Finance Initiative (PFI). For example, since the inception of PFI in the early 1990s around £60bn has been invested in public assets and in return the government will pay £306bn. As a legacy of the £895bn quantitative easing programme, the government unnecessarily hands around £22bn a year to banks as interest on central bank reserves.

The state sweeps bank misdemeanours under its dust-laden carpets. Culprits are rarely investigated or prosecuted. For example, the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) was the site of the biggest banking fraud of the twentieth-century. It was forcibly closed in July 1991, but there has been no independent investigation.

In 2012, HSBC, a bank supervised by the UK authorities, was fined $1.9bn by US authorities for facilitating money laundering and sanctions busting. The bank “accepted responsibility for its criminal conduct and that of its employees.” Despite the largest ever fine, at that time, the UK government and regulators contrived maintained silence. It subsequently came to light that the then Chancellor and regulators secretly urged the US authorities to go easy on HSBC as it was too big to fail and jail. Ministers have refused to answer any questions in parliament.

The Financial Conduct Authority and the Serious Fraud Office have refused to prosecute HBOS bankers for frauds going back to 2003. The independence of the City of London Police is compromised as it is funded by the Association of British Insurers, Lloyds Bank and UK Finance, a trade body funded by banks and financial institutions. Faced with institutional silence, the Thames Valley Police and Crime Commissioner prosecuted HBOS bankers. In 2017, two HBOS bankers were found guilty of £245m loan scam and sent to prison. The Commissioner said: “I am convinced the cover-up goes right up to Cabinet level. And to the top of the City.” None of this encouraged any regulator of a parliamentary committee to launch an inquiry. To quell public concerns, Lloyds Bank (owner of HBOS since January 2009) promised to investigate the full extent of frauds and promised a report, the Dobbs Review, in 2018. To date, no report has been published, and Ministers fob-off parliamentary questions with non-answers.

With state protection, banks abuse people. They have rigged interest rates and foreign exchange rates but faced little retribution. They continue to craft and sell dud financial products, including pensions, endowment mortgages, precipice bonds, split capital investment trusts, interest-rate swaps, mini-bonds, payment protection insurance and car loans. In January 2025, Chancellor Rachel Reeves sought to influence the Supreme Court’s hearing on possible compensation for victims of the car loans scandal by claiming that compensation could “cause considerable economic harm”. The Chancellor’s intervention was rejected by the Supreme Court. Its judgment was only a partial success for consumers, and it emerged that the Chancellor was “considering overruling the supreme court’s decision with retrospective legislation, in order to help save lenders billions of pounds, in the event that it ruled in favour of consumers.”

Contrary to the claims of governments and right-wing press, banks are not paragons of efficiency. There has been a banking crisis in every decade since the 1970s. A study showed that between 1995 and 2015, the UK finance industry made a negative contribution of £4,500bn to the UK economy. After the 2007-08 crash, the state provided £1,162bn (£133bn cash + £1,029bn of guarantees) to bail out banks. Another £895bn of quantitative easing was handed to capital market speculators. Taxpayers were persuaded to accept the bailouts with the promise that new laws would curb reckless practices. This included imposition of capital adequacy rules, curbs on bankers’ bonuses, and a requirement that regulators must solely be concerned with safeguarding the interests of customers. Such post-2007-08 crash rules are now being reversed or have been reversed. even minimal regulation is not applied to shadow banks.

The risk of bankruptcy for major banks has been abolished, and with the patronage of the state they continue to make mega profits. In 2024, the UK’s biggest four banks – HSBC, Barclays and Lloyds Bank and National Westminster – made profits of £45.9bn, up 75% on their 2018/19 returns. Since 201/22, their profit margins have increased by nearly 21%. Between 2022 and 2024, the big four banks paid £124bn in dividends and another £32bn in share buybacks to shareholders. Civil society has called for end of hidden subsidies and windfall taxes on banks. In response, the CEOs of HSBC, Barclays, Lloyds and National Westminster joined forces and oppose tax rises. There is silence on subsidies. The CEOs say that banks are unfairly taxed at a rate of 46.4%. This claim is amplified by Financial Times, The Guardian, Sky News, City AM and others, without any critical scrutiny.

So, what is the basis of the 46.4% tax rate? It comes from a report published by UK Finance, a lobbying organisation funded by banks and financial institutions and dedicated to advancing their interests. The report was prepared by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) which sells a concept called Total Tax Contribution. The report claims that in 2025 banks paid £43.3bn in taxes. Newspapers didn’t check and CEOs didn’t tell people that this number is misleading as it includes taxed collected but not borne by banks. For example, it includes PAYE and employee national insurance of £17.4bn which is borne by employees. It includes £2.8bn of VAT which is borne by customers and other taxes deducted at source. The nett result is that the taxes borne by banks were £23.1bn, of which corporation tax was only £8.8bn. The PwC report makes no mention of the state subsidies or higher profits due to state policies – for example, interest rate hikes boost bank profits; insolvency laws prioritise the interests of secured creditors (mostly banks) over other creditors.

The report is based upon a sample collected by PwC. It then extrapolates from that sample to produce the £43.3bn and 46.4% claims. It can’t be independently corroborated. Page 31 of the report states that “PwC has not verified, validated or audited the data and cannot give any undertakings as to the accuracy of the study results”. Too many journalists have given the data an aura of being factual, which it is not. Journalists write stories in a hurry, but that does have reality effects and manufactures consent. Some may have been silenced by the power of banks. Peter Oborne, one-time political commentator at The Telegraph resigned because the newspaper deliberately suppressed negative stories about HSBC, a major advertiser and source of revenues. In his words, “The coverage of HSBC in Britain’s Telegraph is a fraud on its readers. If major newspapers allow corporations to influence their content for fear of losing advertising revenue, democracy itself is in peril”.

The banking industry is not a paragon of free markets, efficiency, or honesty. Its predatory practices are shielded by the state and the industry does not bear the social cost of its practices. It is hard to find a pristine bank. The industry relies upon the state and public purse for survival but resents effective regulation. Despite making record profits and paying record returns to shareholders it resents paying taxes. In propaganda wars, it has built its case to oppose taxes by using numbers which can’t be independently corroborated. Yet the industry wields enormous power and is not held to public accounts or forced to bear the cost of its predatory practices.

Probing The Gruesome Details

As Dignity in Dying offers a free will-writing service and suggests that those using it might make a bequest, and as a Green proposed amendment to the Scottish assisted suicide legislation seeks to criminalise dissuading people from suicide in the vicinity of the facilities, Paul Goodman, Lord Goodman of Wycombe writes:

When I searched for how to commit suicide, the internet was extremely reluctant to tell me — absolutely rightly. There are legal and cultural bars to such information. Why? Because we are instinctively horrified by the prospective loss of innocent life, even when it is one’s own, though all turns on circumstance: for example, a man might kill himself rather than endure torture.

Suicide can have searing consequences for one’s family, one’s friends, other people. The government spends some £30 million each year to try to stop it, working through such organisations as the Samaritans, the Zero Suicide Alliance and Suicide Prevention UK. Parliament marked Suicide Prevention Day with a debate on September 11 this year. 

What a striking juxtaposition it is, then, to set that debate, which sought to help prevent suicides, next to a bill currently before parliament, which seeks to facilitate more. The Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill is currently being considered in the House of Lords. I’m a member of the select committee set up to probe the bill’s potential implementation and effects. Hence my internet search. The bill would provide for assisted suicide under certain circumstances, and I wanted to find out more about how it works abroad.

Such details as are available are not for the squeamish. Assisted suicide typically starts with benzodiazepines or barbiturates to induce deep sedation. Drugs such as metoclopramide prevent nausea and vomiting. The process can take up to 120 minutes. And though failure rates are low, they are real — some 6 per cent in Oregon.

But Lord Falconer, the bill’s sponsor in the Lords, doesn’t think peers should debate and discuss which drugs should be used to first stun and then kill those who sign up for assisted suicide. Another cross-party select committee unanimously agreed that setting out which drugs will be used in the bill would be “in the interests of clarity and transparency”. When I put this point to Falconer during our hearings last week, he replied that he “could think of nothing worse than politicians deciding what drugs to use”.

One can see his point. Politicians are not usually experts in distinguishing one drug from another. Then again, most are not experts on Diego Garcia, ransomware, human trafficking or the decarbonisation of cement — all of which the Commons considered last week. Nor are most of the rest of us. And our parliamentary democracy relies on government being exercised by people much like ourselves.

The bill’s supporters are clearly reluctant to see the grisly details of assisted dying probed in public. Readers will have gleaned that I’m not one of them. For what it’s worth, I believe that assisted dying is intractably problematic — with serious consequences for patients, palliative care, the medical profession and the NHS. Nonetheless, parliament has a responsibility to consider the bill, which requires getting it into a less harmful form before peers and MPs make a final decision.

The bill’s supporters and opponents can at least agree, at the start, about what it seeks to do. Its title, though euphemistic, is accurate: its intention is not, as some backers of assisted dying believe, to relieve pain and suffering (though this may be a consequence). The bill would give adults diagnosed as terminally ill with a prognosis of six months or less to live the option of suicide assisted by a doctor. How often such diagnoses are accurate is debatable. They are not, however, at the heart of the controversy that haunts the bill.

“The essence of the bill is autonomy,” Falconer told our committee. “You have a choice. We did not take the view that it is appropriate to have as a condition the suffering of an individual, which is a subjective matter.” But much turns, once again, on circumstances. What about the possibility of coercion — especially for disabled people, for the vulnerable, the disadvantaged and those who feel themselves to be a burden? And if choice is the key principle, would people really have one, given the lack of readily available, high-quality palliative care?

Where would the NHS fit in? Wes Streeting, the health secretary, has said that “there isn’t a budget for this”. So would the NHS provide assisted dying free at the point of use, or would it simply be a private service for the wealthy? The bill would leave such crucial decisions to the secretary of state. Yet another matter that parliament won’t debate and decide in detail.

The bill may also cast light on the government’s future. My sense is that the average peer is open to the principle of assisted suicide but concerned about the practice and whether or not the bill itself is workable. Much depends on who turns out when amendments are considered. What happens if the bill falls or runs out of time? Streeting is opposed. So is David Lammy, the justice secretary. Six months ago, this might have mattered less since, as is well known, the prime minister himself is a supporter. When the bill was voted on in the Commons in June, a crucial slice of Labour MPs followed him into the Aye lobby. It passed by the slender majority of 23.

But, since then, the government has been rocked by the welfare rebellion, Angela Rayner’s resignation, the Peter Mandelson Epstein scandal and the China spy row. Labour has fallen to below 20 per cent in the polls. Sir Keir Starmer was humiliated in the Caerphilly by-election. There is a tax-hiking budget to come. The government has no manifesto mandate for another assisted dying bill. It is short of parliamentary time, and needs Labour MPs campaigning in their constituencies.

The bill’s supporters claim it has many safeguards. Its opponents say that these need reinforcement. Could it be that both are right? And that, over the next few months, layer after layer of additional protections are added to the bill? Might it then be that no one much is happy? The bill’s backers would think it almost inoperable; the bill’s critics would consider it inherently dangerous. Discontent would abound. The bill may be important not just in its own terms but as a metaphor for our present discontents.

And even if passed, assisted suicide isn’t due to come into effect until after the next general election. How fitting for our irresolution it would be were this government or a future one to pause the process and promise a Royal Commission and a review. We may be probing the gruesome details of assisted dying for a while yet.

Not An Accident, But An Ongoing Project

In Ukraine, at the same time as they tore down statues of Alexander Pushkin, and renamed streets that had been named after him, they legalised pornography to help pay for the war. Even before then, some people had already been taking payment to strip on camera via a “charity project” called Teronlyfans, to fund the Armed Forces.

Pornography had been legally prohibited and practically unknown in the Soviet Union, but post-Soviet Russia was flooded with it by and from the West in order to placate the young male population during the larceny of their country by means of the economic “shock therapy” that created today’s oligarchs. The rest is history.

That tactic was not new. “Sex work” of various kinds has always been encouraged when the young men have needed to be stupefied, and it still is. The pornogrification of our own society is no accident. Of course, there cannot be a “free” market in general but not in this, which is one of the many reasons why there must not be a “free” market in general. Every economic arrangement is a political choice, not a law of physics. As Victoria Smith writes:

Does being a feminist make you a conspiracy theorist? It’s something I’ve worried about for years. “Don’t worry,” I will tell people. “I don’t think ‘the patriarchy’ is literally a group of super-powerful men meeting to decide how best to screw women over. I don’t think they’re all in league with one another.” Only these days, sometimes I do.

Certainly, I no longer consider the representation of women as inferior and exploitable merely a misconception in need of correction, the kind of thing one might fix with a few UN Women-style tweets. Whether one is considering the co-defendants in the Pelicot trial, the escalating abuses of the Taliban or the global network of men — named and unnamed — in Virginia Roberts Guiffre’s memoir, there is something not just systematic, but deliberate, shared and unashamed about patriarchy’s worst excesses. Dehumanisation is not an accident, but an ongoing project, following multiple scripts.

Multiple people sat down, for instance, and scripted the following scenario, outlined in Jo Bartosch and Robert Jessel’s excellent new book, Pornocracy:

A woman stands in a room with several men. She is fully clothed. […] If she manages to leave the room, she’ll receive money. For each article of clothing she has at the end of the scene, she’ll also get cash. For each sex act the men compel her to perform, they’ll get paid and she’ll lose the same amount from her fee.

It’s a situation designed to accurately depict sexual assault — “the men are genuinely attacking the woman, who is genuinely attempting to resist them” — without being legally classified as such. Yet, as the authors go on to note (and their book goes on to show), “under the Pornocracy, this counts as a relatively ‘vanilla’ scene”.

Bartosch and Jessel are not ones to fear potential accusations of conspiracy theorising (alongside the fellow sins of “promoting stigma” and “stoking moral panic”). From the outset they make their thesis clear. “We might not realise it,” they write, “but we are all subjects of the Pornocracy — a system where our minds, relationships and laws are shaped by global-scale sexual exploitation.” You do not have to make or watch porn yourself to be affected by its representation of men, women, children and the power relations between them. As they argue in the chapter “Pulled Apart By Porn”, men and women’s attitudes towards one another — from what a member of the opposite sex is to who exists to serve whom — are deeply influenced by modern-day porn narratives. As I suggest in my own book Unkind, the global porn industry has picked up where conduct manuals, conservative gender essentialism and religious fundamentalism left off.

In many ways, this should not be a complex argument for liberal feminism to grasp. It already gets the basics. Not everyone has to read the same books or listen to the same sermons or believe in the same gods for everyone to be affected by a dominant belief system which positions women as passive, masochistic, hollowed out, in need of punishment. What happens to perceptions of women and girls when, as Bartosch and Jessel write, “in our pockets, just a click away, is a realm where men are subjects and women objects”? Why should one such realm be considered less harmful than any other?

Yet the double standard that protects porn is staggering. On the face of it, it is baffling that the rise of #MeToo and the left’s obsession with hate speech have done nothing to mitigate its influence. As Helen Lewis wrote in 2020’s Difficult Women, “we subject other forms of culture to intense scrutiny – ‘Is Girls racist?’, ‘Is The League of Gentlemen transphobic?’ – and leave porn untouched”. Bartosch and Jessel point out that “as zombie feminists have continued to censoriously carp about micro-aggressions and trivialities, the moral revulsion once aimed at men who paid for sex has abated”. More than that — there are “feminists” who actively lead the charge to defend the indefensible.

In her recent book Enemy Feminisms, Sophie Lewis takes feminists past and present to task for racism and siding with the oppressor. Nonetheless, she also finds time to defend “porno magazines and movies involving KKK and plantation scenarios” on the basis that “even here, unexpected pleasures may arise for both porn workers and viewers”:

To playact rape is not the same as rape, even if and even when the reasons people enjoy playacting it, and watching others playact it, stem from the influence of the real thing on our desires as they are presently constituted—real desire to harm, and real traumatized repetition compulsion.

For Lewis, porn occupies a magic sphere, in which it is not part of, but merely a response to and reflection of cultures which enable and facilitate rape. Somehow, she — someone who views “pornophobic” feminists as more complicit in harm than pornographers themselves — is not considered the one to be indulging in wild imaginings.

Lewis’s position is reminiscent of that of Judith Butler. In her 1999 takedown of Butler, Martha Nussbaum notes that Butler’s (unoriginal) observation that power structures are eroticized leads her to conclude that “we all eroticize the power structures that oppress us, and can thus find sexual pleasure only within their confines”:

For Butler, the act of subversion is so riveting, so sexy, that it is a bad dream to think that the world will actually get better. What a bore equality is! No bondage, no delight.

Real, drudgy equality is a boner killer — or at least it is to the terminally unimaginative. What research actually shows — as explored in the second chapter of Pornocracy — is that exposure to more extreme material creates sexual dysfunction and misdirects desire.

The sacred status of porn — no matter how abusive or hateful it is — can make combatting its influence feel an insurmountable challenge. It can also make other attempts to challenge misogyny feel toothless. Seriously, what is the point in raging about the portrayal of women by the tradwife movement — submissive, passive, blank-eyed, servile — if you’re all in with it the moment it’s repackaged as an edgy femme identity? Why bother complaining about stochastic terrorism if you won’t ever draw the well-established link between systemic violence against women and children and the “normalising” narratives of porn? Yet this dissonance makes books such as Pornocracy matter all the more.

Pretending the large-scale dehumanisation and abuse of women and girls is some terrible mix-up — while the male orgasm is sacred — is less likely to see you treated as an extremist. You are less likely to receive, as Bartosch no doubt correctly perceives she will, “unhinged emails peppered with the same slurs thrown at women in pornography”. But you are also less likely to ever understand why misogyny is so persistent and deep-rooted or to have the tools — some of them suggested at the end of the book — with which to combat it.

“Under pornocracy,” write Bartosch and Jessel, with characteristic bluntness, “collective progress and the concept of human rights risk being overtaken by a single, overwhelming demand: the right to be fucked”. This is not a conspiracy theory. It is a choice.

These Differences Matter

Although I do not share even his qualified enthusiasm for Your Party, Paul Knaggs is on glorious form:

The Greens are surging. Your Party is floundering. And if you can’t see why that’s a disaster for the left, you haven’t been paying attention.

In May, when Zack Polanski launched his bid to lead the Green Party, they counted 60,000 members. Now they’ve hurtled past 150,000, eclipsing both the Liberal Democrats and the Conservatives. Their social media operation has transformed from clunky graphics and earnest tweets into slick, viral videos of Polanski urging us to “make hope normal again.” Their TV appearances have evolved from awfully nice but forgettable to confrontational and headline-grabbing. Polanski champions wealth taxes, backs transgender rights without equivocation, and accuses Reform UK of fascism. He sounds radical. He looks energetic. He’s hoovering up support from the disillusioned left like a Dyson on maximum power.

And here’s the problem: whilst Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana were still rigging their vessel and arguing over who gets to be captain, Polanski’s sleek pirate ship sailed in, caught the wind, and left Your Party dead in the water. He’s parking the Greens’ rainbow-coloured tanks right on Your Party’s lawn, stealing their potential base whilst offering nothing but political theatre wrapped in radical-sounding language that means precisely nothing.

Two ships, both claiming to sail against the establishment. Both captains shouting they’re steering toward a new horizon. But only one is actually moving, and it’s moving in circles whilst the other struggles to even leave port.

Let’s be clear about who Zack Polanski is. He’s a former actor. A former hypnotist. A former Liberal Democrat. A man who has mastered the art of sounding like Jeremy Corbyn whilst meaning something entirely different. He’s regurgitating every Facebook meme the left has produced over 14 years of online rebellion against Tory rule, delivering it with a smile and an occasional wink, and people are falling for it like teenagers discovering their first protest movement.

But listen carefully to what Polanski actually says, and you’ll find more holes than substance. Take NATO. Pressed on whether the UK should leave the alliance, Polanski first pointed to “Green Party policy” to stay in NATO but reform it from within. Then, without missing a beat, he called for “removing nuclear weapons” and “building an alternative alliance based on peace and diplomacy.”

Sounds bold, doesn’t it? Sounds principled. Until you remember that NATO is a nuclear military alliance. That’s not a bug. That’s the feature. The entire architecture of NATO rests on nuclear deterrence and collective military force. Suggesting you can reform it into something peaceful and non-nuclear is like proposing to reform McDonald’s into a vegan café. It’s fantasy designed to flatter your audience without ever confronting power.

When challenged on this obvious contradiction, Polanski admitted that in the medium to long term, he’d like to leave NATO. But only if a new European alliance could be built first. An alliance that would presumably do all the things NATO does but with better branding. In other words, never. Because if you’re building a European military alliance with nuclear weapons and collective defence obligations, you’ve just recreated NATO with a different letterhead.

This is political gaslighting. Say enough to sound principled without ever saying enough to be held accountable. Appeal to the anti-war crowd whilst keeping policy papers safely inside the NATO comfort zone. Promise transformation whilst pledging obedience. It’s having your peace dividend and spending it on weapons too.

On the EU, Polanski confirmed the Greens would take Britain back into the European Union if they were in power. “Yes it is” an aim, he told Mehdi Hasan, before immediately adding that he’s not “shouting about it” because “people made a decision.”

Then he suggested there’s a “really strong argument” for another referendum because people now say Brexit was a mistake. But then he said the “more immediate concern” is inequality and the cost of living. Then he suggested that maybe a referendum wouldn’t even be needed if the Greens made it a manifesto pledge and “won a huge majority.” Then he admitted “all of these are quite hypothetical scenarios.”

Got that? He wants to rejoin. But he’s not shouting about it. But there’s a strong argument for a referendum. But maybe inequality matters more. But maybe they won’t need a referendum if they win big. But it’s all hypothetical anyway.

This is the language of a man who wants to appeal to everyone whilst committing to nothing. Of a politician who’s learned that ambiguity is safer than conviction. Of someone performing radicalism for an audience desperate to believe that someone in politics still means what they say.

The trick works because it exploits genuine hunger for anti-war, anti-austerity politics. People are exhausted by Starmer’s betrayals. They’re disgusted by billions for weapons whilst public services crumble. They want politicians who will challenge the military-industrial complex, not rearrange its furniture. Polanski sounds like he’s offering that challenge. But he’s offering nothing but aspirational waffle wrapped in radical packaging.

It’s a familiar trick. Nick Clegg pulled it. Keir Starmer perfected it. Promise everything, commit to nothing, sound radical enough to win support but safe enough never to threaten power. And people fall for it every single time because they desperately want to believe this time will be different.

But where Polanski differs from Clegg and Starmer is the ease with which he’s gathering support. And the tragedy is, he’s gathering it from people who should be building Your Party instead.

Let’s rewind. Your Party was born in chaos. A difficult birth, breech and premature. It came to us arse-ended with an early announcement from Zarah Sultana, who immediately resigned from Labour. Not wanting to be a single mother of what would be a needy child, she named Jeremy Corbyn as the father. It took a while for Corbyn to accept responsibility, but once he did, 800,000 people registered their interest.

Then came the very public row. The signs of a break-up. The disconnected and constantly let-down electorate started feeling abandoned once more. And along came the Rasputin of politics, our very own Mesmer, Zack Polanski. The former actor turned Lib Dem turned Green, the former hypnotist who smiled and winked his way through every left-wing talking point whilst Your Party floundered through its chaotic setup.

Now the ‘Your Party’s’ social media pages are full of people singing Polanski’s praises. Thousands of potential Your Party supporters are becoming Green Party members instead. Those extra 100,000 members aren’t building Your Party. They’re funding and propping up the Greens. The naivety is staggering.

Zarah Sultana has finally come out to explain the key differences between Your Party and Polanski’s Greens. And these differences matter. They’re not trivial. They’re fundamental.

Your Party, Sultana explains, is “class-based” and “isn’t shy about talking about class-based politics.” As she put it: “We are embracing class war, and this time we plan to win it.” The Greens, for all their progressive rhetoric, don’t talk about class. They talk about identity, environment, social justice in the abstract. But class? The fundamental division in society between those who own and those who work? Barely mentioned.

Your Party would cut all diplomatic relations with Israel. The Greens would not. As Sultana said: “The Greens believe that we can have diplomatic relations with Israel, and we think that is not okay and acceptable and we must sever all diplomatic ties.” That’s not a minor policy difference. That’s a fundamental split on anti-imperialism and international solidarity.

Your Party wants to leave NATO. Actually, leave it, not reform it into some imaginary peace alliance that will never exist. The Greens want to stay in whilst pretending they might leave someday if conditions are perfect, which they never will be.

These aren’t cosmetic differences. They’re the difference between a party rooted in socialist principles and a party performing radicalism for liberal voters uncomfortable with Labour but not ready to actually challenge power.

Nothing exemplifies progressive liberalism better than that on the debate on Trans rights. Yes, both parties share problematic positions on the culture wars that plague the left. Both seem to prioritise trans rights over women’s rights. Both appear comfortable with open borders that create a reserve army of labour, benefiting corporations whilst pushing down working-class wages. That’s what passes for the left these days, even though it’s a world apart from socialism.

But here’s where the Greens distinguish themselves in the worst possible way: they have a documented history of expelling members who dare to advocate for women’s sex-based rights, who cite the Supreme Court’s judgment on what a woman is, or who invoke Article 10 protections for freedom of expression. Stand up for women’s spaces, women’s sports, or the biological reality the Supreme Court affirmed, and you’ll find yourself shown the door faster than you can say “no debate.” The Greens don’t just hold these positions. They enforce them with the zeal of true believers, purging dissent and treating basic defence of women’s rights as heresy.

Your Party may share some of the same confused positions on gender ideology, but at least they haven’t started expelling members for defending women’s rights. At least there’s a chance you can stand up for Article 10, cite the Supreme Court, and advocate for sex-based protections without facing a disciplinary hearing. At least for now, that is.

And at least Your Party is honest about its class politics and anti-imperialism. The Greens offer wokery without the socialism, identity politics without economic transformation, progressive aesthetics without challenging capital. They’ll expel you for saying women are adult human females, but they’ll never threaten the banks or the arms manufacturers or the corporate interests that actually shape policy. They police language whilst leaving power untouched.

The liberal left cries: but who will beat Reform? Who will stop Farage if not a coalition of progressive parties? The answer is simple: certainly not parties that offer nothing but wokery and false promises that dissolve in the cold light of scrutiny. In a first-past-the-post system, you don’t win by trying to be everything to everyone. You win by standing for something clear enough that people know what they’re voting for.

Right now, Polanski is doing a brilliant job regurgitating Corbyn’s battle cries without the conviction or credibility behind them. He’s performing radicalism for an audience that desperately wants to believe. And they’re buying it because they’ve been let down so many times they’ll grasp at anything that sounds vaguely left-wing and has good production values.

But here’s the test of any politician’s sincerity: what are you willing to lose by holding your position? Corbyn lost everything. He was smeared relentlessly, abandoned by his own MPs, subjected to the most vicious media campaign in modern British political history. But he never wavered. That’s what principle looks like when it costs you something.

Polanski’s version of principle costs him nothing. It offends no one who matters. It threatens no powerful interests. It allows him to sound radical whilst pursuing entirely conventional politics. The establishment finds him perfectly acceptable because he poses no threat. He’s another waiting-room attendant, pulling in the disillusioned left and keeping them comfortably contained, safely neutralised, perpetually waiting for the “medium to long term” that never arrives.

He’s another Starmer in the making. Another Clegg. Complete with radical credentials that will be conveniently forgotten the moment real power beckons. The establishment stooge doing exactly what the establishment does: making the electorate safe, channelling discontent into controlled opposition that changes nothing fundamental.

And the cruellest irony? The people giving the most support to the Greens are often those pretending to support Your Party. They’re on Your Party’s social media pages praising Polanski, joining the Greens, suggesting coalitions. They’re funding the very organisation that’s undermining the genuine left alternative they claim to want.

It doesn’t matter how or why it happened. Polanski is mopping up Your Party’s potential base right now. And if you’re one of the people helping him do it, if you’re one of those naively suggesting the Greens and Your Party should work together, if you’ve joined the Greens thinking they’re basically the same thing, you need to understand what you’re doing.

You’re not building the left. You’re building a prettier version of the same old politics where nothing fundamental changes. You’re funding a party that will say radical things but do conventional ones. You’re supporting controlled opposition designed to make you feel good about your politics without ever threatening the systems that keep you powerless.

Your Party may have had a chaotic birth. It may still be finding its feet. But at least it’s actually trying to build something different. At least it’s honest about class war and anti-imperialism and challenging power rather than managing it. At least it represents a genuine break from the politics that have failed us, rather than a rebranding of them.

The Greens under Polanski are offering you marshmallow clouds and tangerine skies. At this moment, Your Party is offering you class war and the chance to actually win it. If you can’t tell the difference, you deserve what you get when Polanski inevitably betrays you the way every establishment-safe radical eventually does.

It’s a case of two ships competing for the same waters. Both captains claim to lead the rebellion. But whilst one argues about navigation and the other sails in circles, the establishment laughs from the shore. Polanski has taken the wind from Your Party’s sails. But only because you’re letting him. Stop falling for political theatre and start building something real. Or accept that you’re just another audience member applauding a performance that changes nothing.

Monday, 27 October 2025

Honi Soit Qui Mal Y Pense?

It does not go far enough, but the Renters' Rights Act is at least a start, which has managed to be enacted before Torsten Bell got into his stride as the next Labour Leader but one. His Resolution Foundation has signalled to the moneybags and their media that the Employment Rights Bill was going to be watered down to the point of homeopathy.

That dilution has been advocated by the Tony Blair Institute. Well, of course. The Dear Leader never did these things, so they must never be done. And his Institute is obviously skint, having had its begging bowl out all over the place of late. That is why it is so desperate for the digital ID contract at home and for an East India Company arrangement in Gaza. But if it is to last even long enough to bag those, then it needs to please the same people whom Bell needed to please to make him Prime Minister. Peter Mandelson's frontman's sugar daddy is dead.

Never mind heckling the King. He never met Jeffrey Epstein. Blair met him as Prime Minister. Blair, Gordon Brown and Keir Starmer have all had Epstein's closest friend as the de facto Deputy Prime Minister. Prince Andrew has had to give up his Garter, so what about Blair's?

Understand The Basic Point

They wrote a line for Ellie-Ann Reynolds, and she delivered it well. Like Lucy Connolly, she is being lined up for a seat in Parliament. Both made initial contact with Nigel Farage to that end. That's politics.

Yet from Kent to Cornwall, Reform UK's newly acquired municipal base is falling apart. And if the only problem with Sarah Pochin's remarks was that they were poorly phrased, then how might the same sentiment be articulated acceptably? Pochin did not merely observe that there were a lot of black and brown people in advertisements. She said that the sight of that phenomenon "drives me mad". In what way that was neither "ugly" nor "unpleasant" could she have said that?

It is potentially defamatory to accuse someone of being racist, as Keir Starmer has accused Pochin outside parliamentary privilege, so is she going to sue him? And if Pochin retained the Reform whip, then remember that until as recently as 2018, the Reform Chief Whip was a Labour councillor, who would have become a Labour MP and probably a Government Whip if Jeremy Corbyn had never become Leader. Now that Corbyn is no longer Leader, then who and what are becoming Labour councillors, Labour MPs, Labour Whips, and more?

No Doubt At All: Cannabis Causes Psychosis


It may seem like a relatively harmless right of passage.

But cannabis isn't safe for young brains which are still developing, the UK's top psychiatrist has warned.

An aggressive cannabis lobby is making parents complacent about the risks the drug poses to teenagers' mental health, Dr Lade Smith, president of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, said.

And taking up the habit could damage the brain or even trigger psychotic episodes later in life, she cautioned.

'When you start smoking with your mates at 14 or 15 you are literally growing your brain in a cannabis soup,' Dr Smith told The Sunday Times.

'There's no doubt at all. Cannabis is a cause of psychosis.'

This health condition is a serious mental illness where a person loses touch with reality, often involving symptoms like hallucinations and delusions which can cause them to pose a danger to themselves or others.

Figures show cannabis is consistently the most consumed illegal drug in England and Wales, with 2.3 million people estimated to have used it in the year to March 2024.

Research, published last year, shows adolescents who used it were 11 times more likely to have a psychotic episode as an adult.

However, many parents still see it as relatively safe, Dr Smith warned, calling on the government to do more to educate parents and young people.

'We've not got the public health message right,' she said. 'We know that cannabis is not a safe option.'

She explained that – as well as psychosis – smoking cannabis is also linked to a higher risk of anxiety and depression.

Children from any walk of life, including from well-to-do families, have developed psychotic illnesses, carried out dangerous stunts or fallen foul of the police due to their cannabis use, she warned.

A study published in the journal JAMA Psychiatry found that rates of first episode psychosis are higher in south-east London, where she works, than anywhere else in Europe.

A staggering 97 per cent of patients in her service had a substance abuse problem, with high-strength cannabis the main drug of choice.

The cannabis that has been available in the last 10-15 years in the UK is high-strength, meaning it contains high levels of the active compound tetrahydrocannabinol (THC) which affects the brain.

It can interfere with the release of dopamine in the brain's reward centre, reduce the amount of grey matter in the brain, lower inhibitions and cause chronic bronchitis symptoms.

Smoking cannabis 'regularly' is the equivalent of just one spliff per week, Dr Smith explained, adding that having a problem with the drug 'could completely ruin your life'.

Seven years ago the law was changed to allow the prescriptions of cannabis–based medicines that include cannabidiol (CBD), which does not give the same high but can still alter consciousness and the perception of pain.

Dr Smith said she believes the use of cannabis as a medicine should face further scrutiny. Sir Chris Whitty, the chief medical officer, also warned against 'cannabis exceptionalism' in 2019.

Separate studies have also indicated that cannabis use can negatively impact female fertility and lead to increased levels of paranoia.

Speaking previously about the effects of cannabis on mental health Dr Emily Finch, chair of the Royal College of Psychiatrists' Addiction Faculty, said: 'Society must be more aware of the substantial evidence on cannabis harms, and correct the widespread misapprehension that cannabis is not an addictive substance.

'Cannabis is the most widely used illicit substance in the UK, and around a third of people who use cannabis develop a problem with the drug at some point during their lives. This is similar to the proportion of people who will develop a problem with alcohol.

'The use of both natural and "synthetic" cannabinoids over the long-term risks addiction and severe co-occurring mental illness harms.'

WHAT EVIDENCE IS THERE THAT CANNABIS INCREASES RISK OF MENTAL HEALTH ILLNESS?

Schizophrenia: Researchers questioned more than 6,500 teenagers aged 15 and 16 on their cannabis use. They were monitored until the age of 30. Smoking cannabis just five times as a teenager can triple the risk of psychotic symptoms alongside major depression and schizophrenia in later life, according to the study at The Academy of Finland, published in The British Journal of Psychiatry in March 2018.

Socially unacceptable behaviour: Researchers from the University of Montreal analysed around 4,000 13-year-olds from 31 high schools in the surrounding area for four years. Going from being an occasional marijuana user to indulging every day increases the risk of psychosis by up to 159 percent. Frequently abusing the substance also significantly reduces a user's ability to resist socially unacceptable behavior when provoked. The research was published in The Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry in July 2017.

Negative emotions: Scientists at the National Institute on Alcoholism and Alcohol Abuse in Bethesda analysed 60 people, half of which were cannabis dependent. The study's participants completed a questionnaire that asked them about their feelings of stress, aggression, reactivity and alienation. Cannabis users are more likely to experience negative emotions, particularly feeling alienated from others. People who use marijuana are significantly more likely to feel that others wish them harm or are deceiving them. The research was published in Biological Psychiatry: Cognitive Neuroscience and Neuroimaging in January 2018.

Panic attack reaction: Researchers from the University of Vermont scanned the brains of teenagers in Europe and found just one or two joints is enough to change the structure of a teenager's brain. It could cause changes affecting how likely they are to suffer from anxiety or panic. Researchers found 14-year-old girls and boys exposed to THC had a greater volume of grey matter in their brains. This means the tissue in certain areas is thicker - the opposite of what usually happens during puberty, when teenagers' brain matter gets thinner and more refined. The study was published in The Journal of Neuroscience in January 2019.

Bipolar: Researchers at Warwick Medical School analysed 3,370 women's cannabis use at 17 years old. At 22-to-23 years old, the participants completed a questionnaire. People who used cannabis at least two-to-three times a week at 17 years old are more likely to experience hypomania in their earlier 20s. Hypomania is defined as elevated mood alongside irritability or an inflated ego, an unrealistic sense of superiority, a reduced need for sleep and frenzied speech. Such symptoms frequently occur in bipolar disorder sufferers. The research was published in Schizophrenia Bulletin in December 2017.

There cannot be a “free” market in general, but not in drugs, or prostitution, or pornography, or unrestricted alcohol, or unrestricted gambling. That is an important part of why there must not be a “free” market in general, which is a political choice, not a law of nature.

Enacting and enforcing laws against drugs, prostitution and pornography, and regulating alcohol, tobacco and gambling, are clear examples of State intervention in, and regulation of, the economy. Radical change would be impossible if the workers, the youth and the poor were in a state of stupefaction, and that baleful situation, which has been contrived in the past, is being contrived again today.

Unlike the Conservative Party, which merely thinks that it is and acts as if it were, the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are constitutionally committed to the “free” market. Richard Tice wants to legalise cannabis, Nigel Farage concurs with the Green Party in wanting to legalise drugs across the board, and Lee Anderson signed a select committee report in that direction in 2023. Are those now the views of Ann Widdecombe and Danny Kruger?

Instead, we need a single category of illegal drug, including cannabis, with a crackdown on possession, including a mandatory sentence of two years for a first offence, three years for a second offence, four years for a third offence, and so on. I no longer believe in prison sentences that include the possibility of release in less than 12 months; in that case, then your crime was not bad enough to warrant imprisonment, which the possession of drugs is. We need to restore the specific criminal offence of allowing one’s premises to be used for illegal drug purposes. And Peter Hitchens’s The War We Never Fought should be taught in schools, as pro-drugs propaganda is routinely.