Simon Shuster writes:
A few years ago, when Greece was still at the start of
its slide into an economic depression, the Nobel prize-winning economist Joseph
Stiglitz remembers discussing the crisis with Greek officials.
What they wanted
was a stimulus package to boost growth and create jobs, and Stiglitz, who had
just produced an influential report for the United Nations on how to deal with
the global financial crisis, agreed that this would be the best way forward.
Instead, Greece’s foreign creditors imposed a strict program of austerity. The
Greek economy has shrunk by about 25% since 2010. The cost-cutting was an enormous
mistake, Stiglitz says, and it’s time for the creditors to admit it.
“They have criminal
responsibility,” he says of the so-called troika of financial institutions that
bailed out the Greek economy in 2010, namely the International Monetary Fund,
the European Commission and the European Central Bank.
“It’s a kind of criminal
responsibility for causing a major recession,” Stiglitz tells TIME in a phone
interview.
Along with a growing
number of the world’s
most influential economists, Stiglitz has begun to urge the troika to forgive
Greece’s debt – estimated to be worth close to $300 billion in bailouts – and
to offer the stimulus money that two successive Greek governments have been
requesting.
Failure to do so, Stiglitz
argues, would not only worsen the recession in Greece – already deeper and more
prolonged than the Great Depression in the U.S. – it would also wreck the
credibility of Europe’s common currency, the euro, and put the global economy
at risk of contagion.
So far Greece’s creditors have
downplayed those risks. In recent years they have repeatedly insisted that
European banks and global markets do not face any serious fallout from Greece
abandoning the euro, as they have had plenty of time to insulate themselves
from such an outcome.
But Stiglitz, who served as the chief economist of the
World Bank from 1997 to 2000, says no such firewall of protection can exist in
a globalized economy, where the connections between events and institutions are
often impossible to predict.
“We don’t know all the linkings,” he says.
Many countries in Eastern Europe,
for instance, are still heavily reliant on Greek banks, and if those banks
collapse the European Union faces the risk of a chain reaction of financial
turmoil that could easily spread to the rest of the global economy.
“There is a
lack of transparency in financial markets that makes it impossible to know
exactly what the consequences are,” says Stiglitz. “Anybody who says they do
obviously doesn’t know what they’re talking about.”
Over the weekend the prospect of
Greece abandoning the euro drew closer than ever, as talks between the
Greek government and its creditors broke down. Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras,
who was elected in January on a promise to end austerity, announced on Saturday
that he could not accept the troika’s “insulting” demands for more tax hikes
and pension cuts, and he called a referendum for July 5 to let voters decide
how the government should handle the negotiations going forward.
If a majority
of Greeks vote to reject the troika’s terms for continued assistance, Greece
could be forced to default on its debt and pull out of the currency union.
Stiglitz sees two possible
outcomes to that scenario – neither of them pleasant for the European Union.
If
the Greek economy recovers after abandoning the euro, it would “certainly
increase the impetus for anti-euro politics,” encouraging other struggling
economies to drop the common currency and go it alone.
If the Greek economy
collapses without the euro, “you have on the edge of Europe a failed state,”
Stiglitz says. “That’s when the geopolitics become very ugly.”
By providing financial aid,
Russia and China would then be able to undermine Greece’s allegiance to the
E.U. and its foreign policy decisions, creating what Stiglitz calls “an enemy
within.”
There is no way to predict the long-term consequences of such a break
in the E.U.’s political cohesion, but it would likely be more costly than
offering Greece a break on its loans, he says.
“The creditors should admit that
the policies that they put forward over the last five years are flawed,” says
Stiglitz, a professor at Columbia University.
“What
they asked for caused a deep depression with long-standing effects, and I don’t
think there is any way that Europe’s and Germany’s hands are clean.
“My own view
is that they ought to recognize their complicity and say, ‘Look, the past is
the past. We made mistakes. How do we go on from here?’”
The most reasonable solution
Stiglitz sees is a write-off of Greece’s debt, or at least a deal that would
not require any payments for the next ten or 15 years.
In that time, Greece
should be given additional aid to jumpstart its economy and return to growth.
But the first step would be for the troika to make a painful yet obvious
admission: “Austerity hasn’t worked,” Stiglitz says.
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