A few days after desert gunmen swept out of the Sahara and captured
Timbuktu, the city’s conquerors broadcast a message over its radio station.“We are going to welcome some foreigners,” the inhabitants of this ancient
trading centre in northern Mali were told. “Do not be afraid when you see them:
we must all welcome them.”A convoy of Land Cruisers duly arrived, laden with bearded fighters clad in
sand-coloured turbans and robes. These were not rebels from the local Tuareg
tribe, who had claimed credit for the fall of Timbuktu, but international
jihadists from across the Muslim world including Algerians, Nigerians, Somalis
and Pakistanis. This multinational parade drove home a harsh message: a new
state had been born under the effective rule of al-Qaeda.
Bewildered townspeople, who had only seen Tuareg insurgents up to that point,
realised its true significance.
“We first saw the foreigners when they were in our city,” said Mousa Maigar,
who witnessed the arrival of the column. “How they entered our country, we
don’t know.” Almost unnoticed by the outside world, a branch of al-Qaeda has seized a
swathe of Africa covering more than 300,000 square miles. “Al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb” (AQIM) and its allies have taken over an area of the Sahara
more than three times the size of Britain, complete with airports, military
bases, arms dumps and training camps. Ever since the September 11 attacks, Western counter-terrorism policy has
been designed to prevent al-Qaeda from controlling territory. Yet that is
exactly what AQIM has now achieved.
Its new domain covers the regions of Timbuktu, Gao and Kidal in northern
Mali. This area is already serving as a base for training and recruitment. But
AQIM’s new domain also lies across a trans-Saharan smuggling route employed to
run cocaine to Europe. The movement will have every opportunity to profit from
drug trafficking. Already, equipment that was supplied to combat al-Qaeda has fallen into the
hands of its fighters. Before the capture of northern Mali by Islamists in
April, America had given military vehicles and satellite communications
technology to the country’s army.
In particular, the US supplied six counter-terrorism
units with 87 Land Cruisers, along with satellite phones and navigation aids.
AQIM fighters are now using these American donations, according to a serving
soldier in the Malian army with decades of experience in the north. Five of the six specialist military units abandoned their equipment and fled
when AQIM and its allies advanced, he said. “The Islamists are the masters
today,” he added. “They have all the equipment that we left in the field.”
In addition to these assets, AQIM has also inherited the stores abandoned by
Mali’s army, including artillery, rocket launchers and large reserves of small
arms and ammunition. AQIM controls the civilian airports of Timbuktu, Gao and
Kidal, along with one of the region’s biggest military airbases at Tessalit,
near the northern border with Algeria.“It pains my heart that I have relatives in the north who are suffering day
by day and it is not in my military capacity to help them,” said the soldier.
“I am helpless.”
Mali’s army had little chance of preventing the loss of two thirds of the
country. After Col Muammar Gaddafi’s downfall last year, Libya’s military
stockpiles were thrown open to all-comers, turning the country into the world’s
biggest source of illegal weapons. Both AQIM and the Tuareg rebels from northern Mali seized their chance: they
soon outgunned the national army. Gaddafi had also recruited thousands of soldiers from Mali;
one brigade of the old Libyan army consisted almost entirely of Tuaregs. These
battle-hardened troops returned to their homeland after he was overthrown,
taking their weapons with them. They duly became the backbone of AQIM and the
Tuareg rebellion.
When Britain and France went to war to topple Gaddafi, they were
inadvertently clearing the way for al-Qaeda to take control of a swathe of the
Sahara. At first, AQIM allowed Tuareg rebels to take the lead, helping them to
capture Mali’s three northern regions in April. Since then, AQIM has thrust the
insurgents aside and become the dominant force in the area, acting through an
offshoot known as “Ansar Dine”, or “defenders of faith”.They have no viable opponents: Mali’s official government has simply
collapsed. A military coup toppled President Amadou Toumani Touré in March. An
interim leader, appointed to supervise new elections, was then left for dead by
a mob that raided his office. He now lies in a hospital bed in France, leaving
no one in charge in the capital, Bamako.
Even if Mali had a functioning government, the army lacks the military
capability to retake the north. So far, AQIM’s leaders can take comfort from
the fact that no outside force threatens their control. “If you have a vast
unpoliced, ungoverned area, you can do what you like in it,” said a Western
diplomat in Bamako. “The fact is that two thirds of the territory of a
sovereign country is not under the control of the government.” The original inhabitants of AQIM’s new domain have been trickling away. More
than 181,000 people have entered refugee camps in neighbouring countries, with
another 160,000 fleeing to southern Mali. Mr Maigar fled Timbuktu last Thursday after Ansar Dine razed eight of the
city’s 16 mausoleums and broke down the entrance to the Sidi Yahya mosque dating
from 1400. “When they destroyed the mausoleums, that affected me personally. We
cannot live with the terrorists in the city,” he said.
Al-Qaeda’s allies have imposed the rigours of Sharia, banning alcohol and
music, blocking the local television signal and preventing radio stations from
broadcasting anything but official announcements and Koranic verse. Earlier, Mr Maigar witnessed the flogging of a man and a woman in Sankore
Square in Timbuktu, allegedly for having sexual intercourse outside marriage. Djenebou Traoré, 48, left the city in May after two men came to her door and
demanded to know whether any of the women inside were unmarried. They would be
handed to the new overlords for compulsory “marriage”
AQIM’s priority appears to be consolidating its control, rather than
striking targets beyond the country’s borders. Officials warn this could
change. “This could ultimately be the base to attack Europe,” said the
diplomat.
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