I suppose that that reference to Abel makes Peter Hitchens Cain. But let us not go there, brethren. Christopher Hitchens was wrong about very many things. But not about everything:
Seeing the name Hillary in
a headline last week—a headline about a life that had involved real
achievement—I felt a mouse stirring in the attic of my memory.
Eventually, I
was able to recall how the two Hillarys had once been mentionable in the same
breath.
On a first-lady goodwill tour of Asia in April 1995—the kind of banal
trip that she now claims as part of her foreign-policy
"experience"—Mrs. Clinton had been in Nepal and been briefly
introduced to the late Sir Edmund Hillary, conqueror of Mount Everest.
Ever
ready to milk the moment, she announced that her mother had actually named her
for this famous and intrepid explorer.
The claim "worked" well enough
to be repeated at other stops and even showed up in Bill Clinton's memoirs
almost a decade later, as one more instance of the gutsy tradition that
undergirds the junior senator from New York.
Sen.
Clinton was born in 1947, and Sir Edmund Hillary and his partner Tenzing Norgay
did not ascend Mount Everest until 1953, so the story was self-evidently untrue
and eventually yielded to fact-checking.
Indeed, a spokeswoman for Sen. Clinton named Jennifer Hanley phrased it like
this in a statement in October 2006, conceding that the tale was untrue but
nonetheless charming:
"It was a sweet family story her mother shared to
inspire greatness in her daughter, to great results I might add."
Perfect.
It worked, in other words, having been coined long after Sir Edmund became a bankable
celebrity, but now its usefulness is exhausted and its untruth can safely be
blamed on Mummy.
Yet isn't it all—all of it, every single episode and detail of
the Clinton saga—exactly like that?
And isn't some of it a little bit more
serious?
For Sen. Clinton, something is true if it validates the myth of her
striving and her "greatness" (her overweening ambition in other
words) and only ceases to be true when it no longer serves that limitless
purpose.
And we are all supposed to applaud the skill and the bare-faced
bravado with which this is done.
In the New Hampshire primary in 1992, she
knowingly lied about her husband's uncontainable sex life and put him eternally
in her debt.
This is now thought of, and referred to in print, purely as a
smart move on her part.
In the Iowa caucuses of 2008, he returns the favor by
telling a huge lie about his own record on the war in Iraq, falsely asserting
that he was opposed to the intervention from the very start.
This is
thought of, and referred to in print, as purely a tactical mistake on his part:
trying too hard to help the spouse.
The happy couple has now united on an
equally mendacious
account of what
they thought about Iraq and when they thought it.
What would it take to break
this cheap little spell and make us wake up and inquire what on earth we are
doing when we make the Clinton family drama—yet again—a central part
of our own politics?
What do
you have to forget or overlook in order to desire that this dysfunctional clan
once more occupies the White House and is again in a position to rent the
Lincoln Bedroom to campaign donors and to employ the Oval Office as a massage
parlor?
You have to be able to forget, first, what happened to those who
complained, or who told the truth, last time. It's often said, by people trying
to show how grown-up and unshocked they are, that all Clinton did to get
himself impeached was lie about sex.
That's not really true. What he actually
lied about, in the perjury that also got him disbarred,
was the women.
And what
this involved was a steady campaign of defamation, backed up by private dicks
(you should excuse the expression) and salaried government employees, against
women who I believe were telling the truth.
In my opinion, Gennifer
Flowers was telling the truth; so was Monica Lewinsky, and so was Kathleen
Willey, and so, lest we forget, was Juanita Broaddrick, the woman who says she
was raped by Bill Clinton,
For the full
background on this, see the chapter "Is There a Rapist in the Oval
Office?" in the paperback version of my book No One
Left To Lie To. This essay, I may modestly say, has never
been challenged by anybody in the fabled Clinton "rapid response"
team.
Yet one constantly reads that both Clintons, including the female who
helped intensify the slanders against her mistreated sisters, are excellent on
women's "issues."
One also
hears a great deal about how this awful joint tenure of the executive mansion
was a good thing in that it conferred "experience" on the despised
and much-deceived wife.
Well, the main "experience" involved the
comprehensive fouling-up of the nation's health-care arrangements, so as to make
them considerably worse than they had been before and to create an opening for
the worst-of-all-worlds option of the so-called HMO, combining as it did the
maximum of capitalist gouging with the maximum of socialistic bureaucracy.
This
abysmal outcome, forgiven for no reason that I can perceive, was the individual
responsibility of the woman who now seems to think it entitles her to the
presidency.
But there was another "experience," this time a
collaborative one, that is even more significant.
During the
Senate debate on the intervention in Iraq, Sen. Clinton made considerable use
of her background and "experience" to argue that, yes, Saddam Hussein
was indeed a threat.
She did not argue so much from the position adopted by the
Bush administration as she emphasized the stand taken, by both her husband and
Al Gore, when they were in office, to the effect that another and final
confrontation with the Baathist regime was more or less inevitable.
Now, it
does not especially matter whether you agree or agreed with her about this (as
I, for once, do and did).
What does matter is that she has since altered her
position and attempted, with her husband's help, to make people forget that she
ever held it.
And this, on a grave matter of national honor and security,
merely to influence her short-term standing in the Iowa caucuses. Surely that
on its own should be sufficient to disqualify her from consideration?
Indifferent to truth, willing to use police-state tactics and vulgar libels
against inconvenient witnesses, hopeless on health care, and flippant and fast
and loose with national security: The case against Hillary Clinton for
president is open-and-shut.
Of course, against all these considerations you
might prefer the newly fashionable and more media-weighty notion that if you
don't show her enough appreciation, and after all she's done for us, she may
cry.
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