Tom Gallagher writes:
Alex Salmond has been giving a masterclass to
foreigners on how Scotland ought to be treated. At the Scottish Parliament on
Thursday, he rebuked Mariano Rajoy, the Spanish Prime Minister for showing
ignorance by describing him as Scotland’s "President" and not First
Minister and for daring to call Scotland a mere "region". The next
day, Angus Robertson MP, the leader of the SNP at Westminster, went one better.
He called
on David Cameron to scrap the constitutional requirement to hold a general
election by May 2015. Instead, he declared that the higher necessity of
completing intensive negotiations for independence, required the Tory-Lib Dem
coalition to remain in office until 2016, so that Scotland could smoothly exit
the United Kingdom.
This peremptory demand by one of the more
truculent SNP figures could be interpreted as saying: Up here, we play fast and
loose with the democratic rules, so why don’t you join us and expedite the
transfer of Great Britain to the knacker's yard? A glance at the Scottish
autocracy being created by the SNP shows a desire to centralise and silence
discordant voices that Britain never got close to during the Second World War.
Under Sir Peter Housden, the civil service has
become a vehicle for SNP propaganda. To the fury of the major opposition parties,
this obsequious Englishman has defended all manner of sharp practice by the
government.
The bulging Scottish third sector has learnt that one of the best
ways to guarantee its funding stream from the taxpayer is to provide numerous
low-key services for the SNP. Even university heads now face pressure to slap
down noisy academics.
On 5 November, Shona Robison, one of Salmond’s
ministers, contacted the principal of Dundee University because the
distinguished historian Professor Chris Whatley appeared at a pro-UK Better
Together event. She wrongly assumed that because he was involved in a
state-funded project, he could be easily gagged.
I have never applied for a
single bawbee from the Scottish government. But as a critic of the SNP ever
since I glimpsed in 2007 how Alex Salmond was prepared to radicalise Scottish
ethnic minorities in order to create a power base among them, I can be got at
more indirectly.
The excellent Ulster academic Dr Duncan Morrow is
heading an enquiry into the staying power of sectarianism in Scotland. As the
author of three academic books on the subject, the most recent this year, I
expected to be called to give evidence. But when I glanced at the name of one
combative SNP lady who was on the committee, I instantly realised that I should
abandon any hopes of Duncan ever giving me a call.
The SNP’s proprietorial attitude to the state is
very reminiscent of 20th-century Ulster. In the teeth of massive opposition,
the SNP has recently centralised the police force. It was not surprising to
hear one police official slap down local councillors recently by suggesting
that they take a lesson from the police and amalgamate their councils into a
few large formations.
The SNP’s attachment to firm government is bound
to be appealing to ambitious people who hope that active compliance will boost
their careers. Under Alex Salmond, the party oozes contempt for any who fail to
see the separatist light. Angus Robertson’s demand to Cameron to freeze the
general election merely confirms that. In effect he was saying: "It’s
already our state: we can make up the rules because tomorrow most definitely
belong to us."
There is cleverness behind the SNP’s disregard
for electoral democracy. To achieve their goal of a post-British future in
Scotland, the Nationalists need to desensitise a large part of the population;
Scots need to get used to the bizarre and the grotesque. They need to realise
that the old rules don’t apply anymore and the bold and unsettling will soon be
the norm.
Through its Yes for Scotland franchise, the SNP is making an overt
effort to detach Clydeside Catholics from their once solid Labour loyalties. It
was thus no surprise to see that the iconic Irish republican, Bernadette McAliskey
spoke at a large pro-independence gathering on 23 November alongside SNP MSPs.
It is unlikely that the SNP barred the
folk-singer Eddi Reader from being put on BBC Question Time last thursday. She
is not just a patriotic balladeer but the proud relative, and biographer, of
Seamus Reader, the head of the Scottish wing of the IRA during the Irish war of
Independence.
He operated on the wilder fringes of Scottish nationalist
politics for several decades after that. When it craved respectability, the SNP
would have moved mountains to keep such supporters out of view.
In the era of demure nationalism, the MSP Joan
McAlpine would have had her knuckles rapped for condemning a ceremony in
Glasgow to mark remembrance week as "a cynical attempt to boost Britishness
ahead of the referendum".
Career suicide might have awaited her for
writing in the Daily Record on 5 November that "the outburst of hysterical
patriotism in 1914 represented the worst of British – arrogance, self-delusion
and a desire to dominate on the world stage". But she remains one of
Salmond’s closest confidantes.
Bitter hostility to the British state led some
SNP figures in the 1930s to plan to assist a Nazi takeover. It is well
documented in a book published this spring called Fascist Scotland. The author
Gavin Bowd, an academic from St Andrews, made it clear that only a minority of
Scotland’s inter-war fascists were in, or close to, the SNP. Yet an article he
wrote for the newspaper Scotland on Sunday led to a petition with over 4,000
names on it demanding that the paper be referred to the Press Complaints
Commission.
The SNP now employs a large and growing portion
of journalists and PR folk thanks to creating a large propaganda machine in the
civil service. This move springs from the belief that since we are truly
virtuous, we deserve to control absolutely everything.
The able pro-SNP
journalist, George Kerevan, has warned his party that "the centralisation
of power can be addictive and result in bureaucratic conservatism, inhibiting
all experiment and reform". Jim Sillars, a former deputy leader, observed
in 2012: "If I did not know better, I would easily believe the leaders had
been schooled in the old communist party … Totalitarian would be a fair
description of Scotland's majority party."
Thankfully, the SNP does have figures who still
think for themselves and are prepared to tell Alex Salmond to get lost on a few
occasions. One of these was on 20 November when several of its MSPs voted
against the gay marriage bill he had proposed (by contrast only one Labour
figure did so, Elaine Smith MSP).
The demand to David Cameron from an SNP MP that a
British election be postponed is sinister and deserves far more attention. It
shows that Mr Salmond and his lieutenants regard the voters as chattel, useful idiots
who can be seduced or browbeaten into endorsing a Tartan Ruritania where there
will be space aplenty for deep dungeons.
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